Contextual and Personal Predictors of Adaptive Outcomes Under Terror Attack: The Case of Israeli Adolescents

This paper explores individual differences in perceptions of political violence, strategies for coping with violence, and adaptive outcomes. Data on political violence stress, personal variables, coping strategies, and stress reactions were gathered on a sample of 227 Israeli adolescents in Haifa and Northern Israel confronted with a prolonged period of terror attack in the course of the Al-Aqsa Intifada. Political violence stress and trait anxiety were shown to be meaningful predictors of both coping strategies and adaptive outcomes. Although adolescents reported employing more avoidance coping, on average, than other coping modes, it was primarily the use of emotion-focused coping efforts that predicted stress reactions. The observation that problem-focused coping did not meaningfully alleviate stress reactions may have been a function of the uncontrollable nature and severity of the community stressor. The data were discussed and explicated in the context of stress and coping theory and research. Professor and Dean of Research and Director of the Center for Interdisciplinary Research on Emotions, Haifa University, Mt. Carmel, Israel.     

检察机关行使民事公诉权的可行性研究

关于检察机关行使民事公诉权的问题,理论界存在赞成和反对两种不同观点。赋予检察机关民事公诉权,有现实的必要性和理论上的可行性,且与法律监督权并不矛盾。     

对复印件主义公诉方式的反思

复印件主义公诉方式的缺陷主要表现在 :尚未根除法官的预断与偏见 ;侵害被告方全面获悉被控证据权 ;滋生“埋伏审判”等弊端。建构科学的符合诉讼规律和公正价值的公诉程序势在必行。为阻断侦查与审判的承继关系 ,强化审判中心地位和辩方的防御能力 ,需要改造公诉方式 ,确立起诉书一本主义和证据展示制度。     

关于完善刑事诉讼中起诉引导侦查机制的研究

在我国的刑事诉讼体系中,检察机关作为监督机关对于侦查活动的监督措施主要是采取事后制约,致使侦查活动得不到及时、科学、合理的监督指导,造成侦查资源浪费,侦查效率不高,侦查效果不佳。随着司法体制改革的不断深入和修改后《律师法》的实施,建立起诉引导侦查机制成为近年来司法体制改革中检察制度改革热点问题之一,全国检察系统的公诉部门均处在积极的摸索和试行之中。值此刑事诉讼法修改之际,本文从建立和完善公诉引导侦查现状、意义、理论体系和法律基础以及应注意的几点问题入手,进行深入研究,意在为刑事诉讼法的进一步完善提供某些有价值的立法建议。     

起诉法定主义与起诉便宜主义——兼论我国起诉裁量权的完善

起诉法定主义与起诉便宜主义并为现代刑事诉讼的两大基本原则,在刑事追诉过程中同时发挥着重要作用。从起诉法定主义到起诉便宜主义,是刑事诉讼发展的基本趋势。我国起诉裁量权限于微罪不检举范围内,起诉裁量权适用面过窄,不适应诉讼经济的需要,也没有体现出"宽严相济"、"区别对待"的刑事政策。有必要修订刑事诉讼法,确立起诉便宜原则,扩大检察官的起诉裁量权。     

略论我国检察机关民事行政诉讼权

检察机关是否应该享有民事行政诉讼权,是近年来立法争论的热点问题之一,也是进一步完善检察机关法律监督职能的重要方面。从国外检察机关提起民事诉讼的相关规定、我国对检察院提起民事诉讼的立法规定层面,探讨检察机关提起民事行政诉讼的法理基础,并分析检察机关在提起民事行政诉讼中的地位、民事行政诉讼权的范围等,可进一步明确我国检察机关民事行政诉讼权。     

Dissolution and Reintegration in Finland, 1914–1932: How did a Disarmed Country Become Absorbed into Brutalization?

Finland avoided participation in the Great War, but in 1918 fell into a short civil war that culminated in a cycle of vicious terror. The focus of this article is to explain the high incidence of terror during that civil war in comparison with other civil wars that took place in the Baltic region. The violent polarization of Finnish society was triggered as reform expectations skyrocketed at the moment when the country’s institutions were in chaos and its economy in a free fall. Mutual distrust, armed mobilizations, and a sense that time was running out in the arms race were key factors that drove both warring parties to the violent conflict. The author concludes with a discussion of the reintegration of the dissolved state. He frames the conflict within various psychological theories and group behavior in the context of economic possibilities and expectations. The article is based on his own empirical research and on the studies of other scholars on the history of the Finnish Civil War.     

Editors’ introduction: neoliberalism and/as terror

The articles in this special issue are drawn from papers presented at a conference entitled “Neoliberalism and/as Terror”, held at the Nottingham Conference Centre at Nottingham Trent University by the Critical Terrorism Studies BISA Working Group (CSTWG) on 15–16 September 2014. The conference was supported by both a BISA workshop grant and supplementary funds from Nottingham Trent University’s Politics and International Relations Department and the Critical Studies on Terrorism journal. Papers presented at the conference aimed to extend research into the diverse linkages between neoliberalism and terrorism, including but extending beyond the contextualisation of pre-emptive counterterrorism technologies and privatised securities within relevant economic and ideological contexts. Thus, the conference sought also to stimulate research into the ways that neoliberalism could itself be understood as terrorism, asking – amongst other questions – whether populations are themselves terrorised by neoliberal policy. The articles presented in this special issue reflect the conference aims in bringing together research on the neoliberalisation of counterterrorism and on the terror of neoliberalism.     

A Fifth Wave of Terrorism? The Emergence of Terrorist Semi-States

ABSTRACT

Drawing on Rapoport’s four waves thesis, this study asks whether the emergence of terrorist semi-states (TSS) in the 21st-century MENA region and Pakistan mean that we are seeing the beginning of a new (fifth) wave. We define a TSS as a rebel group that a) has control over portions of a weak state’s territory, maintaining governance there; b) but still launches terrorist attacks against third-party states. To be considered a fifth wave, the new terrorism phenomenon at hand must both fit Rapoport’s criteria of a wave (be global, have the same driving force) and also be significantly different from the prior wave. Clearly, the TSSs are different from the religious terror groups of the fourth wave in key respects: they prioritize territorial control, they engage in a much wider array of governance activities (not just social services), most of their victims have been members of the same religion—namely, Muslims (which suggests that they are driven more by the pursuit of power than by Jihad); and finally, their behavior (though not their statements) shows they have a local rather than a universal agenda. The main counter-argument is that TSSs are all Islamic and have so far not been exported globally.     

The accidental citizen: acts of sovereignty and (un)making citizenship

In previous issues of Economy and Society, Somerville and Durham debated the moralization of neo-liberal family policy. The conservative politics of the family has been moralized not only in Anglo-American societies but also in South Korea. From a neo-Confucian perspective, many conservative politicians and even scholars have found a convenient scapegoat in the nuclear family as the main cause of many recent social problems, in particular, widespread poverty and psychological difficulties among the elderly and children. In a situation where public services and social security programmes have been neglected for decades of growth-oriented developmentalism, conservative elites seem to derive a convenient excuse in the functionalist proposition that family nucleation nourishes individualism at the cost of traditional familial solidarity, and thus causes the alienation and abandonment of many dependent people. This paper refutes the neo-Confucian/liberal claim by showing that the thesis of family nucleation is untenable not only from a demographic but also from a sociocultural and economic perspective. This neo-Confucian society will be no exception to the need for a comprehensive package of public services and social security programmes if its industrial capitalism is to remain socially sustainable.