反恐背景下的国土安全警务模式研究

我国未来警察角色功能应适应世界潮流的趋势,从传统的社区安全维护角色,提升为国土安全维护的角色。借鉴美国国土安全预警、危机处理、情报收集、分析、共享警务模式,我国在社会管理创新战略指引下,警察机关应围绕着国家安全与社会安全管理创新进行一系列的机制、策略、模式等改革,以适应当前的复杂的治安趋势和反恐工作的需要。所以,国土安全警务模式予以我国的启示是:警察机关应重视国土安全维护的任务,制定以情报主导的国土安全警务模式,建立国土安全警务的监督机制,从而应对当前的国际及国内的反恐形势。     

煽动民族仇恨、民族歧视罪的司法定位变化与刑事应对

煽动民族仇恨、民族歧视罪在立法之初保护的是公民的民族平等、团结的民主权利,但近年来该罪出现了被恐怖组织所利用,危及社会稳定,甚至引发严重暴力恐怖活动的趋势。本罪作为应对恐怖主义犯罪罪名体系的基础性罪名,与涉及恐怖主义犯罪的煽动分裂国家罪,组织、领导恐怖组织罪等罪名在司法上相结合形成阶梯式罪名体系。由此,在立法上应当提升该罪的分则地位,加重法定刑,在司法上应树立对煽动民族仇恨、民族歧视罪危害后果的正确认识。     

The Institutionalization of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQMI)

A number of observers have expressed serious concerns that Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQMI), as it expands in the Sahel, may become strong enough to be a threat to Europe and carry on the global mission of Al-Qaeda as conceived by bin Laden. This fear seems unwarranted. Using institutional analysis to study the AQMI behavioral fluctuations over the last decade, this article argues that AQMI's need to find a compromise between external and internal legitimacy has constrained its behavior. The affiliation of the Algerian terrorists with Al-Qaeda was in many ways a marriage of convenience that created a number of internal contradictions. At the cognitive level, implicit Algerian nationalism to rid the country of its corrupt regime remains at odds with pan-Islamic views shared by Al-Qaeda's leadership. At the normative level, indiscriminate suicide bombing supported by Al-Qaeda is abhorrent to many Algerian terrorists, who construe their mandate in the spirit of the Algerian war of independence where it is their duty to protect civilians. These and other contradictions prevent AQMI from developing a coherent political agenda and thus it is less likely to engage in a long-term conflict against European societies.     

Pathway to terrorist behaviors: The role of childhood experiences,personality traits,and ideological motivations in a sample of Iraqi prisoners

Radicalization to terrorism is a multifaceted process with no single theory or approach to explain it. Although research has focused on understanding the process, there is still a dearth of studies that examine an empirically driven pathway to terrorism behavior. This study examines a cross-sectional sample of incarcerated men convicted of terrorism in Iraq (N = 160). A questionnaire-guided interview included adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), conduct disorder (CD), antisocial personality disorder (ASPD), religious and political ideology, views about causes of terrorism, and the severity of terrorist acts. Path analysis was employed to examine the relationships between these factors and to identify the model with the best fit. After adjusting for age, employment, and location, results indicated that ACEs positively impacted CD, ASPD, religious guidance, and terrorism attitudes. ASPD positively affected political commitment and terrorism attitudes, but inversely affected current religious commitment. Political commitment inversely influenced terrorism attitudes. Religious commitment positively influenced the prioritization of religion in life, which subsequently impacted terrorism attitudes and behavior severity. Additionally, attitudes toward terrorism directly affected the severity of terrorism behavior. All paths in the final model were statistically significant at p < 0.05. Although these findings may be limited in generalizability due to the unique sample, results support the complex and interdependent nature of childhood and adult experiences on the development of both terrorism attitudes and the severity of terrorism behavior.     

Representations of terrorism and the making of counterterrorism policy

Reflexive approaches not only maintain that representations of danger are socially constructed but also that they relate with political behaviour. Representations of terrorism, for instance, are argued to constitute that danger in distinct ways and thus to make certain counterterror policies possible. This article challenges this popular association of reflexive security studies with constitutive effects. It argues that constitutive argumentation advances an insufficiently tangible argument of effect, and that this conceptual weakness derives from both a problematic foundational social theory and a premature rejection of causation. Drawing on the social theory of Margaret Archer and Roy Bhaskar and a differentiated notion of causation, the article advances a “dialectical causal” framework for the analysis of representations of danger instead. Applying it to contemporary Swiss terrorism politics, the article shows how this framework improves on constitutive argumentation in disentangling the political powers involved in the production and enactment of representations of danger.     

Do Drone Strikes Degrade Al Qaeda? Evidence From Propaganda Output

The United States has used unmanned, aerial vehicles—drones—to launch attacks on militants associated with Al Qaeda and other violent groups based in Pakistan. The goal is to degrade the target's capacity to undertake political and violent action. We assess the effectiveness of drone strikes in achieving this goal, measuring degradation as the capacity of Al Qaeda to generate and disseminate propaganda. Propaganda is a key output of many terrorist organizations and a long-standing priority for Al Qaeda. Unlike other potential measures of terrorist group activity and capacity, propaganda output can be observed and measured. If drone strikes have degraded Al Qaeda, their occurrence should be correlated with a reduction in the organization's propaganda output. The analysis presented here finds little evidence that this is the case. Drone strikes have not impaired Al Qaeda's ability to generate propaganda.     

指纹和DNA分型证据的比较研究

本文在简要地追述了指纹证据和DNA的历史的基础上,介绍了两个法庭证据在技术上的运用并讨论了两个领域相关专业知识的界限和构成。指纹证据拥有独特的说服力来让陪审员定被告的罪。DNA分型研究渗入了主流媒体,尽管它可以明显地辨认嫌疑犯,但DNA分型研究的证据性还是在法庭上遭到质疑。     

A Critical Perspective on Terrorism: Case Study of Jundallah and Jeish ul-Adl in Iran

ABSTRACT

An extensive body of traditional terrorism research exists where the focus is on Iran as a terrorist state and a terrorism sponsor. This article explores an alternative terrorism narrative by examining the non-state actors, Jundallah and Jeish ul-Adl. The deficiency of information in the literature is addressed by applying the first and second-order critique approach of Richard Jackson’s knowledge, power and politics theoretical framework in contrast with the traditional terrorism studies approach. A first-order critique seeks to destabilise the accepted knowledge that Iran is both a terrorist state and a terrorism sponsor. This provides the grounds to study other aspects of “knowing” in relation to the second-order critique, where a critical ground outside the discourse suggests that Iranian officials have declared that the non-state terrorist actors of Jundallah and Jeish ul-Adl constitute a threat to Iran’s political stability. The outcome of the analyses here bridges the gap between the new aspect of terrorism, the non-state actors, and critical terrorism studies in order to contest the traditional discussion of terrorism in Iran. The rationale behind new terrorism varies and necessitates that new meanings and strategies be adopted in relation to Iran.     

试论恐怖犯罪案件的侦查

当前恐怖犯罪案件往往具有犯罪手段的暴力性、侵害对象的不确定性、犯罪活动的双层性、国际性和跨国性等特点,所以在打击恐怖犯罪案件的过程中,既要坚持侦查的原则,又要采取不同于普通刑事犯罪的侦查程序、手段和措施,有效地预防和打击此类案件的发生,减少危害和损失。     

当前我国恐怖活动形势分析与对策研究

本文对我国近年来恐怖活动的现状、发展趋势进行了研究,并在此基础上从宏观政策、法律层面、技术角度等方面提出了预防、打击恐怖活动的基本对策和手段,以期对我国反恐工作有所裨益.