Latin America as a White Settler Society

Latin America’s nineteenth century history of Europeanisation, immigration and extermination suggests that the continent should fit neatly into the category of ‘settler colonialism’, a notion usually employed to describe the white settler colonies of European empires other than those of Spain and Portugal. While the last years of empire and the early days of the republics saw efforts to include the indigenous population as citizens, the racist white elites in the century after independence sought to import European migrants to prevent the non‐white population from participating in power. The desired ‘whitening’ of the population was rarely successful, but the weight of white immigration helped create a twentieth century society that ignored the indigenous peoples – until the popular explosions of recent years.     

试析中国国际关系学的"进步":几点批评与思考

本文对中国国际关系学的现状做了检讨与反省,认为在看到繁荣兴盛外表的同时,必须承认这门学科发展的不充分性和其他缺陷,如多元化趋势化下的“失重”问题,“进步”意识和质疑意识淡漠的问题,“以科学为业”之精神缺乏的问题,等等。作者还追溯了中国传统思维造成的消极影响,提出要对现状展开批评性大讨论,用“知耻勇而后勇”的态度,争取这门新兴学科的更大发展。     

加入WTO对我国法学教育的影响及对策研究

加入WTO对我国的法律、法律观念、法学教育都产生了巨大的影响,机遇与挑战并存。法学教育 作为输送法律人才的基地,必须迎接挑战更新法学教育的思想与观念,制定出相应对策,才能增 强我国法学教育的竞争力,培养出适应入世需要的优秀法律人才。     

论构建国际恐怖主义防治机制的基本原则

在建构国际恐怖主义防治机制的过程中,基本原则的确立及其范围的界定是其中最为关键的一环。根据国际恐怖主义的特点及国际关系的特殊性,国家主权原则、国际合作原则、联合国主导原则、人权保护原则和标本兼治原则等五个原则,应当构成国际恐怖主义防治机制的基本原则。     

谈恐怖主义与社会运动及多元文化的内在联系

在美英与西方大国反恐战争不断升级之时,恐怖主义袭击却呈现出愈演愈烈之势,这不能不令世人重新审视恐怖主义的深刻内在根源,以及美国以暴制暴反恐策略的有效性和合理性。文章从全局角度来探索恐怖主义产生的内在根源,以及化解恐怖主义所必须采取的消灭种族歧视和偏见、尊重不同文化、开展不同文化间的平等对话的多元文化策略。     

Demanding Service or Servicing Demand? Charities,Regulation and the Policy Process

Charities in the Victorian era were characterised by the notions of service and pressure, acting as a shield and a sword for social change. Charities continue to pursue such policies, but do so at the behest of state agendas on public service provision and civic engagement. This article examines the regulatory and policy challenges of the service and pressure dynamic, focusing upon the provision of public services by charities, considering the decision of the Charity Commission in the cases of Trafford and Wigan , and the hurdles faced by charities wishing to pursue a political agenda alongside the state's concern with protecting against terrorism. The article concludes by considering the arbitrary choice made within the regulatory framework between acceptable and unacceptable political conduct and the focus upon good governance in charities and the issues which arise under section 6(3)(b) of the Human Rights Act 1998.     

Green houses for terrorism: measuring the impact of gender equality attitudes and outcomes as deterrents of terrorism

Recent research suggests that there are links between terrorism and gender inequality. This study is a cross-national times series estimation for 57 countries for the period 1994–2002 to examine the impact of attitudes and actual outcomes of gender equality on levels of terrorism experienced by a country using World Values Survey and Global Terrorism Database. The results suggest that actual outcomes of gender equality have a significant and consistently negative impact on terrorism. Women’s actual advancement and equality in higher education, jobs and political representation are more effective in reducing terrorism than cultural attitudes supporting these rights. Additionally, comparing attitudes and outcomes of gender equality in a country, I find there is a gap between the two. This study has important public policy implications for focusing on greater levels of social, economic, and political gender equality for reducing the levels of terrorism.     

A test of Sprinzak’s split delegitimization’s theory of the life course of far-right organizational behavior

This article applies Sprinzak’s theory of split delegitimization to the American far-right. We examine a sample of 30 violent and 30 nonviolent far-right groups for each year of their existence, drawn from the Extremist Crime Database, and explore the violent and legal behavioral patterns over their lifecycle. Sprinzak hypothesized that far-right groups undergo a radicalization process through three stages, conflict of legitimacy, crisis of confidence, and crisis of legitimacy. He predicted that terrorism would occur at the peak of group radicalization or during the third stage. Results supported Sprinzak’s conceptualization of conflict of legitimacy and crisis of confidence stages. Groups initially selected nongovernment targets, but after experiencing disillusionment with the ruling regime, they equally attacked government and nongovernment targets. Importantly, prolonged and increasingly violent acts against government targets were not observed.     

Cultural Policy and Governance: Reviewing Policies Related to Cultural and Creative Industries Implemented by the Central Government of Taiwan Between 2002 and 2012

Cultural and creative industries have exhibited rapid changes in recent years, and public sectors worldwide have expanded interest in policies related to these industries as a means of promoting culture, innovation, and economic vitality. This article argues that the cultural values promoted by and economic significance of cultural and creative sectors are essential to the formation of policy and to the development of new industries. This article offers insight into cultural policy that has governed regional and local development, and addresses academic debates about policy related to cultural and creative industries based on several cultural, economic, and geographical factors. In addition, this article presents the results of analyzing various theories and case studies, based on how the Central Government of Taiwan (CGT) has adopted policies to promote cultural and creative industries. The research results link areas of cultural and economic development with policies enacted by the CGT. Ideas concerning the cultural ministry, industrial development, civic boosterism, subsidies, regional development, creative clusters, tourists and tourism businesses, and export markets are areas of emphasis in this study.     

Beyond (and Within) City Limits: Climate Policy in an Intergovernmental System

This analysis explores the role of city‐level and state‐level variables to explain why some cities make more progress on climate‐related policy implementation than others. Using multilevel modeling, we find little support for the influence of state factors on local government leadership among the 812 cities in the dataset, but local government institutional and community variables are strongly associated with climate policy initiatives. We argue for a rethinking of the notion of the limited and constrained city and suggest that, in the realm of climate protection and environmental policy, cities are leading a bottom‐up federalism. Moreover, where some political analysts and scholars have argued that climate protection and environmental policies may not be economically rational for cities to pursue, we theorize that cities are acting locally to further their self‐interest in an increasingly global economy.