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202.
恐怖组织洗钱犯罪的成功,意味着使恐怖组织通过走私、贩毒等非法渠道获得的"黑钱"合法化。恐怖组织洗钱,主要是通过银行业及在公开的经济领域内投资完成。要有效地遏制和打击恐怖组织洗钱犯罪,必须采取切实可行的打击对策。 相似文献
203.
恐怖活动犯罪具有严重的社会危害性,资助、招募和运送人员的行为为恐怖活动犯罪提供源源不断的动力支持。为有效打击上述行为,《刑法修正案(三)》增设资助恐怖活动罪,《刑法修正案(九)》对其罪状进行了扩充并更名为帮助恐怖活动罪。这就需要通过对帮助恐怖活动罪的立法流变、性质、内容以及法律适用问题进行分析,解决类型化的帮助行为正犯化带来的司法认定困境,为本罪在司法中的适用提供建议。 相似文献
204.
Shawn J. Parry‐Giles 《政治交往》2013,30(2):203-213
The article examines the interrelationship among propaganda, effect, and the Cold War during congressional debates over America's first peacetime propaganda program. Although the rise of the communication research paradigm affected the production of statistical evidence to measure the effectiveness of America's Cold War propaganda, this case study argues that the “war of words” metaphor further heightened the need for empirical proof of America's status in that conflict, Just as with any physical battle that relies on body counts and land measurements to determine the success of America's war efforts, the criteria for measuring the status of America's “war of words” were driven by a similar demand for “objective” proof. The longevity of the Cold War helped ensure the institutionalization of the communication research paradigm, which rejected the use of anecdotal evidence as support for the program's impact. 相似文献
205.
Fernando Lopez‐Alves 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):202-241
In this article we offer a first attempt at providing a set of universal grading criteria for determining on what basis, and how far, an item of discursive content can be considered “terroristic.” In doing so, we draw loosely on the existing COPINE scale for child abuse images. The scale described in the article is not intended to reflect actual risk of engagement in terrorist violence, nor is it intended to have evidential validity in relation to offenses in certain jurisdictions relating to “terrorist publications.” Rather, by formalising assumptions which seem already to be latent in the literature on terrorist use of the Internet, it aspires to serve as a starting point for a more methodologically coherent approach to relationships between content—particularly online content—and terrorism. 相似文献
206.
Susanna Pearce 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):333-352
ABSTRACT The conventional wisdom that religious conflicts are more intense than other types of conflicts is tested in this study using a cross-sectional time series analysis. The statistical test evaluates the intensity of 278 territorial conflict phases in the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, Norway (PRIO) Armed Conflict Dataset. The results indicate support for the assumption that religious conflicts are more intense than other types of conflicts; however, the relationship disappears when the relevance of religion is taken into account. Furthermore, this study evaluates the relationship of conflict intensity with the type of religion involved in the conflict and determines that no religion exhibits a significantly higher or lower intensity than the others. 相似文献
207.
Anne Stenersen 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):215-233
This study aims to investigate how Al Qaeda uses the Internet for military training and preparation. What kind of training material is available on jihadi webpages, who produces it, and for what purpose? The article argues that in spite of a vast amount of training-related literature online, there have been few organized efforts by Al Qaeda to train their followers by way of the Internet. The Internet is per today not a “virtual training camp” organized from above, but rather a resource bank maintained and accessed largely by self-radicalized sympathizers. 相似文献
208.
Reviewed by Martin Durham 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):435-436
This article presents an empirical analysis of a unique dataset of 1240 former members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA). We highlight the shifting sociological and operational profile of PIRA's cadre, and highlight these dynamics in conjunction with primary PIRA documents and secondary interview sources. The effect of these changes in terms of the scale and intensity of PIRA violence is also considered. Although this is primarily a study of a disbanded violent organization, it contains broad policy implications beyond the contemporary violence of dissident movements in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. We conclude with a consideration of how a shifting sociological profile impacts upon group effectiveness, resilience, homogeneity, and the turn toward peaceful means of contention. 相似文献
209.
Vani K. Borooah 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):476-498
Using data from the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database II, this paper first provides information on the nature of terrorist incidents in India in the period 1998-2004: the Indian states that were worst affected by terrorist incidents and fatalities; the terrorist groups responsible for such incidents and their modus operandi. Next, the paper focuses on the issue of fatalities from terrorist incidents. It inquires into the extent to which the number of fatalities following an incident was influenced by the type of attack (bombings, armed assault, etc.) and the extent to which it was influenced by the type of terrorist group. By examining the number of fatalities resulting from terrorist attacks in India, the paper disentangles the influence on this number of attack type and attack group. Lastly, the paper applies Atkinson's concept of equality-adjusted income to terrorism to arrive at the concept of equality-adjusted deaths from terrorist incidents: in order to avoid spectacular incidents resulting in the loss of a large number of lives—as in New York on September 11, 2001 and in Mumbai 26–29 November 2008—“society” might be prepared to tolerate “low-grade” terrorism which resulted in a larger number of deaths in total but avoided a large number of deaths from a single iconic incident. 相似文献
210.
Brian J. Phillips 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):225-242
Researchers increasingly conduct quantitative studies of terrorist groups, which is an important advance in the literature. However, there has been little discussion of what constitutes a “terrorist group,” regarding conceptualization or measurement. Many studies of terrorist groups do not define the term, and among those that do, definitions vary considerably. The lack of clarity leads to conceptual confusion as well as sample selection issues, which can affect inferences. To address these issues, this article offers an in-depth analysis of the term and its use. It explores definitions in the literature, and then discusses different samples used. Empirically, the article demonstrates how sample selection can affect variable values. It also shows that a non-representative sample, such as the U.S. Foreign Terrorist Organization list, can lead to inaccurate generalizations. Ultimately, I present a straightforward “inclusive” definition, and argue for its practicality. Other suggestions are made for a more effective and cohesive research program. 相似文献