浅谈恐怖犯罪的特征及处置对策

兴起于20世纪60年代末的现代恐怖主义,不仅在发展和蔓延速度上来势凶猛,像爱滋病一样肆虐全球,而且在侵害目标、犯罪手段、犯罪后果等方面有了极大的变化。面对现代恐怖犯罪活动,采取怎样的对策才能进行有力的打击和有效的防范,是当今世界各国所面临的一个重要问题。我国同样也面临着恐怖主义的威胁,因此,研究恐怖犯罪的特征,并制定出相应的处置对策,具有十分重要的现实意义。     

抗日民主根据地革命美术活动及其特点

抗日民主根据地的革命美术工作者,始终坚持为抗战服务和为人民群众服务的政治方向,深入人民群众和抗战生活之中,不断地学习民族传统和探求中国风格,创作了很多具有浓郁民族特色并被人民群众所喜闻乐见的优秀美术作品,充分发挥了美术这一教育人民、打击敌人的艺术武器的作用。他们的美术创作不是在与时代隔绝的象牙塔中完成的,而是直接投身于斗争,投身于群众活动的结晶。他们既是画家,同时也是革命家、对敌斗争的英勇战士。     

论恐怖主义犯罪的发展趋势及防治策略

恐怖主义犯罪具有恐怖性、破坏性、政治性或社会性、新闻效应性等特点,呈发生日益频繁、对象趋于泛化、威胁范围日益扩大、危害日益严重的发展趋势。防治恐怖主义犯罪,要注重标本兼治、预防与打击相结合,强化反恐情报的主导和预防作用,推进反恐法律体系建设以及国际合作。     

NEWS AS A WEAPON: HOLLINGTON TONG AND THE FORMATION OF THE GUOMINDANG CENTRALIZED FOREIGN PROPAGANDA SYSTEM, 1937–1938

Abstract

This article examines the process of the centralization of the Guomindang (GMD) foreign propaganda system during 1937 and 1938. The US-trained journalist Hollington Tong was the key person linking Chiang Kai-shek with the English-language press cohort. Based on his personal news network in the treaty ports, Tong extended the government’s propaganda network in the United States and Britain. He professionalized the propaganda institution and pursued a “hands off policy,” co-opting foreign journalists by offering them substantial assistance. This article challenges the perceived passivity of China’s foreign propaganda activities and argues that foreign propaganda was an important war strategy for the GMD government after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. Factionalism played an important role in expediting the centralization process. It was Chiang’s patronage that allowed Tong, a new member of the GMD, to lead the foreign propaganda system and pursue a liberal censorship policy.     

EXHIBITING CHINESENESS: THE TAIWAN PROVINCIAL EXPOSITION OF 1948

Abstract

During the immediate postwar years, visual propaganda served as constitutive and instrumental means for the Nationalist government to “decolonize” the minds of people in Taiwan. The 1948 Taiwan Provincial Exposition highlighted the impact of politics on exhibitions during the critical period in Taiwan’s history. Unable to hold it in the national capital of Nanjing as initially planned, the Provincial Exposition Committee nonetheless maintained the core mission, “enhancing the mainlanders’ understanding of Taiwan,” and strove to mobilize official and individual participants from the mainland. Financed mainly by state-run enterprises, the Exposition delivered a spectacle in serving conservative interests, as encoded in the Exposition’s slogan, “Ensuring Prosperity through Stability.” The Exposition may be seen as an illuminating case to review postwar Taiwan at the threshold of a new era. This paper aims to reveal the complex, and perhaps paradoxical, narrative structures and competitive cultural forces behind the Exposition in redefining Taiwan as a part of China.     

Weak States,State Failure,and Terrorism

It is common to hear the assertion that weak or failed states are fertile ground for terrorism. Yet terrorist groups have emerged from, and operated within, countries which have strong, stable states and a variety of systems of government. Terrorist organizations operate in weak and failed states but it is not necessarily the condition of weak or failed statehood which explains their presence. Moreover, it is not necessarily the weakest states which do host such groups. Therefore, this condition is not a sufficient explanation for their presence. While weak or failed states might provide an enabling environment for certain types of terrorist groups to operate, additional explanatory variables need to be identified.     

恐怖主义犯罪的认定及防治

防治恐怖主义犯罪重点在于对恐怖活动犯罪定罪处罚和国际合作打击恐怖组织。认定恐怖活动犯罪应从其特殊目的、恐怖手段、公开性、国际性方面把握;认定恐怖组织宜采取行政认定模式,便于开展国际反恐合作。增加恐怖活动犯罪的罪名、加重法定刑和完善反恐诉讼程序是刑法打击恐怖主义犯罪的可行之举;加强出入境管理、严格监管金融活动、严格控制危险物品流通和建立专门反恐机构是国际反恐合作的有效措施。     

Postcards and Propaganda: Cartographic Postcards as Soft News Images of the Russo-Japanese War

Postcards are an important resource that has been largely overlooked in mainstream research on historical events, political attitudes, perceptions, propaganda, and communication. Accordingly, this article expands the relevance of the postcard from social artifact to historical document embodying social and political messages. In particular, the article examines the images and representations used in cartographic postcards during and after the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). Not only is this relevant to the study of political propaganda, but also for the study of historic media, popular consumption of political messaging, and as an additional tool with which to study the history of international politics and communication. The political history leading up to the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War is briefly covered. Images of cartographic postcards are examined in context of the conflict, with the goal of gaining a greater appreciation for postcards as a form of early “soft news” visual mass media. As such, this is a means by which imperial attitudes and public opinion were shaped. Recommendations are made to broaden the use of postcards as primary documents, especially as these cards are enjoying an online renaissance (e.g., collecting, displaying, discussing). They are valuable in augmenting a variety of research agendas and are fruitful for the study of early modern mass media, social history, public discourse, and political messaging with regard to soft news and public opinion.     

Representing the West and “non-believers” in the online jihadist magazines Dabiq and Inspire

ABSTRACT

This article analyses how jihadist ideology groups discursively represent “the West” and “non-believers” in their online propagandamagazines. In doing so, it contributes to the field of Critical Terrorism Studies conceptually, by considering the voices of violent actors, and methodologically, by illustrating how linguistic tools of enquiry can advance current knowledge of jihadist ideology groups. Our work adopts a case study approach, focusing on the online magazines Inspire and Dabiq, which are part of the propaganda machinery of, respectively, Al-Qaeda and ISIS. The analysis reveals a number of similarities and differences in the discursive strategies that these twogroups use. On the one hand, both Inspire and Dabiq support and further construct an “us versus them” dichotomy thatpolarises differences between their jihadist ideologies and those of Westerners/non-believers. On the other, Dabiq’s discursiverepresentation of “the West” targets a wider variety of individuals and groups of people and geographical locations than Inspire’s. Additionally, Inspire places a greater focus on the pejorative construction of “the West” than Dabiq, suggesting that Al-Qaeda places more emphasis than ISIS on presenting “the West” as the enemy of jihad.