全文获取类型
收费全文 | 170篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 3篇 |
外交国际关系 | 59篇 |
法律 | 35篇 |
中国政治 | 18篇 |
政治理论 | 7篇 |
综合类 | 52篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2016年 | 4篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 23篇 |
2013年 | 43篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 10篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 1篇 |
2006年 | 7篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有176条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
121.
Despite calls for research on the similarities and differences between violent extremist groups and criminal street gangs, there have been few empirical comparisons. We develop a comparative model that emphasizes explicit, spurious, and indirect linkages between the two groups and use national sources of data on domestic extremists and gang members—the Profiles of Individual Radicalization in the United States (PIRUS) and the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97)—to compare them across group involvement, demographic, family, religion, and socioeconomic status characteristics. Six percent of domestic extremists in PIRUS have a history of gang ties, which constitutes a minimal proportion of domestic extremists and is likely the rare exception among the population of gang members. Gang extremists more closely resemble non-gang extremists in PIRUS than they do gang members in the NLSY97. While these groups have some similarities, one of the major differences is that gang members are younger than domestic extremists. This likely contributes to many of the other differences between the groups across the life course, including marriage, parenthood, unemployment, and education. Given that the evidence is most consistent with the independence model, further comparative testing is needed before generalizing gang-related policies and programs to domestic extremism. 相似文献
122.
浅谈反恐怖活动的刑事立法 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
面对恐怖犯罪的威胁 ,国际社会十分重视对恐怖犯罪的惩治。本文介绍了国际上惩治恐怖活动的刑事立法 ,同时对我国反恐怖活动的刑事立法进行了探讨 ,并提出了进一步完善我国反恐怖活动的立法意见。 相似文献
123.
AbstractThe article examines different types of macropolitical identities in Ukraine and their interaction in establishing political order in the country. The authors argue that political institutional design was unfavourable to the Russian diaspora in eastern and southern regions. It hindered stable development of post-Soviet identity between Russians in the country. But during the Euromaidan protests, the Russians reacted to unpleasant political situation by exploring who they were and what social and political goals they had. Having been incipient for decades, the identity of the diaspora evolved in a soaring way within three or four months. The violent actions of the newly established government in Kiev radicalized the Russian diaspora. Diasporants started establishing alternative authorities in regions where government had no monopoly on the use of force. The involvement of Russia and international volunteers complexifies the situation in Donbass and the identity formation process in unrecognized republics also known as DNR and LNR. 相似文献
124.
125.
吕萌 《湖北警官学院学报》2004,17(6):37-41
恐怖犯罪活动已引起全世界的重视 ,对恐怖主义、恐怖犯罪活动、恐怖暴力活动等概念定义的不确切直接影响到对恐怖犯罪的打击。警察作为维护社会稳定 ,惩治各种犯罪活动的主要力量 ,在参与预防、打击恐怖犯罪活动中的作用是非常重要的 ,建立相应的反恐警察是当前预防、打击恐怖犯罪活动的必须。建立我国反恐警察是反恐行动分层科学化的体现 ,反恐警察的管理体制是维护社会稳定的新举措 ,反恐警察训练内容要适应社会发展的新需要。 相似文献
126.
国际恐怖主义犯罪是威胁当今国际社会安全的非传统安全因素,近年来,国际恐怖组织、个人,以及境内外“东突”恐怖势力、“藏独”恐怖势力、邪教恐怖势力,尤其是境内外“东突”及“藏独”势力的恐怖主义犯罪已经对我国构成了现实威胁。针对威胁,公安机关应积极推动我国反恐立法,完善反恐工作机制,参与国际反恐合作,重视情报、舆论引导和群众工作,加强安全防范和预案演练,以有效遏制和消除国际恐怖主义犯罪。 相似文献
127.
殷炳华 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2009,(5):69-71
国际恐怖主义犯罪是威胁当今国际社会安全重要的非传统安全因素。近年来,国际恐怖组织、个人以及境内外“东突”恐怖势力、“藏独”恐怖势力、邪教恐怖势力,尤其是境内外“东突”及“藏独”势力的恐怖主义犯罪,已经对我国的国家安全构成了现实威胁,其恐怖犯罪活动不仅冲击局部地区的主流价值观、宗教观,破坏我国法制,侵蚀当地民族的国家认同信念,而且直接挑战我国的国家主权。 相似文献
128.
杜邈 《北京人民警察学院学报》2009,(4)
新疆7·5事件引发了对我国刑法规定的反思。我国刑法缺乏专门的反恐罪名,应将暴力破坏的犯罪类型从刑法分则各章节中分列出来,结合恐怖主义目的,合并设置为专门罪名恐怖活动罪,为反恐怖斗争提供有力的法律依据。 相似文献
129.
Turkey’s Justice and Development Party, AKP, was for many years believed to be paramount in ushering in a new era of moderate Islamism. However, in recent years, AKP has troublingly reversed course. From violent repression of the Gezi protests of 2013 to the 2016 abortive coup and subsequent crackdown on opposition, the party has lost all semblance of moderate Islamism and radicalized. If AKP had truly moderated, how could the party have changed in such a short period of time? What explains the radicalization of AKP? First, we argue that the strategic benefits of moderation far outweighed its costs, rendering it analytically improbable to determine whether AKP’s actions were genuine or merely strategic. Second, we show that AKP has been in a process of radicalization characterized by the adoption of anti-system, anti-democratic, and violent tactics and rhetoric since 2011. The disappearance of domestic and international structural constraints created the requisite background conditions for the party’s radicalization. Radicalization was facilitated by what we call ‘Erdoganization’, an ongoing de-institutionalization process within which Tayyip Erdogan gained complete control over the party. Additionally, a series of four “external shocks” threatened the party’s primary goal of gaining hegemony and caused the party to radicalize. 相似文献
130.
Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s Inspire magazine has received attention within Western academia and media for its role in inspiring and instructing a series of homegrown terrorist attacks. Reporting on the magazine often characterises it as a Western-centric instrument of jihadi discourse. This characterisation, while broadly accurate, is in need of refinement. Using a modified version of Jennifer Attride-Stirling’s method of thematic network analysis, this research visualises and analyses the narrative themes contained within fourteen issues of Inspire magazine. It demonstrates that the magazine’s narrative extends well beyond the Western world. In reality, Inspire’s themes centre not only on the West and its Muslim populations, but on local politics and broader religious issues. The magazine’s thematic focus has also shifted over time—particularly in response to (a) political volatility in the Middle East and North Africa, (b) the killing of prominent jihadists, and (c) the execution of successful individual jihad operations. Throughout these periods of change, Inspire struggled to maintain focus on its anti-Western narrative and proved easily distracted by local issues and the “martyrdom” of Al Qaeda leaders. Understanding Inspire’s thematic landscape and its shifting character prove important in understanding and responding effectively to its jihadi discourse. 相似文献