论我国遏制刑讯逼供之制度构想--以侦查制度变革完善为视角

刑讯逼供案件有其发生的基本特点和规律。在我国侦查机关的侦查活动中,刑讯逼供现象时有发生很大程度上是由于刑事侦查制度设计的缺陷。我国应借鉴国外防止刑讯逼供的理念和制度,对现行侦查制度进行必要的变革,设立有限沉默权、非法证据排除及侦查和羁押相分离等制度,以保障犯罪嫌疑人和被告人人权,维护司法公正。     

口供何以中心——“罪从供定”传统及其文化解读

从制度到实践,口供在古代刑事司法中的作用被强调到无以复加的程度:赃证仅仅是获取和推核口供的辅助手段,孤供可以定罪,而无供情况下则通常只能办成悬案或疑案。相应的,作为取供中的合法暴行,最不可妄加的拷掠成了断狱中最不能离开的审讯手段。而有限的可知论、伦理秩序和狱无淹滞的价值诉求、反逻辑的自由心证及非对抗的刑事司法等则为口供主义提供了坚实的文化支撑。     

刑讯逼供罪之刑制改造

现行刑法中刑讯逼供的法定刑有违国际公约,也不符合刑法的基本原则。刑讯逼供法定刑的改造重点在于刑种的增加和层次的细化,改造后的刑讯逼供罪的法定刑可从源头上杜绝明显错案的再次发生。     

非法供证排除机制之完善

刑讯逼供等非人道、不文明的供证收集行为早已为现代法治国家严格禁止。非法供证不具有证据资格已是通行作法。但在我国,刑讯逼供等非法获取供证的行为在刑事侦查中久禁不绝。推究产生这一现象的原因,就是通过刑迅逼供等非法行为获得的供证大量地被作为证据加以使用。这一症结之一在于目前对于认定非法供证的机关机制建构不足。本文就这些重要的协调和保障机制予以揭示,以期望我国的非法供证排除能有所起色。     

从“耻辱刑”到“羞耻心”——-漫谈在监狱矫正中唤起服刑人的羞耻之心

古人对罪犯羞耻心的培养是从积极的教育和消极的教训两个维度并举的。本文从属于后一维度的耻辱刑入手,探讨它以“人皆有羞耻之心”为逻辑起点的教化功能;进而又从“劳动改造”和“罪犯人权保障”两方面切入,对当前监狱改造中存在的羞耻心缺失现象进行剖析,指出今天的监狱矫正同样需要立足于人们的社会心理、文化习俗、价值观念等来培育服刑人的羞耻之心,这样才能最大限度地发挥刑罚的改造功能。     

古代证据意识在现代社会的折射

在行政司法合一的社会制度中,官方取证的职权意识强烈,刑讯逼供、亲属相隐等取证意识随之形成,在息讼、畏讼状态下,民众证据意识缺失。这些观念以传统文化的形式得以保留,并对现代中国仍然产生重要影响。现代中国诉讼制度中职权主义证据意识仍然具有影响力,厌讼意识和法律的缺失共同导致证人出庭作证率低。为此,必须从立法和公众意识等方面,强化证据观念,对传统证据意识进行批判地继承,以期促进法制化与和谐社会的建设。     

我国法庭治理刑讯逼供之反思与重构

刑讯逼供久禁不绝,侦查机关固然难辞其咎,但对侦查行为合法性的程序控制机制“失灵”也是易被忽视的重要原因之一。我国法庭对被告人提出的有关刑讯逼供的抗辩几乎一概置之不理,不仅使本已有限的司法审查权虚置,而且使被告人根本无法获得有效的司法救济。法庭在治理刑讯逼供问题上的“无能”表现,不仅有立法不周的原因,而且还有深层次的体制因素和思想根源———基于对这些制度化背景的认知与反思,构建程序性制裁制度,无疑是使法庭能够真正遏制刑讯逼供的最为现实的出路。     

我国刑事非法证据排除规则司法实践实证研究-以W市刑事审判实务为视角

在我国立法层面逐步建立非法证据排除制度的背景下,非法证据排除制度能否发挥预期的效果仍取决于在司法实务中的贯彻落实情况。通过分析W市法院近三年启动非法证据排除程序的实际情况,我们发现实务中仍存在对非法证据的范围认识不统一、刑讯逼供、疲劳审讯等非法方法的界定不明确、重复自白是否可采具有争议、程序性情况说明尚普遍存在等问题。在司法实务中正确贯彻落实非法证据排除规则,实现对非法取证行为的一般预防功能,首先需要转变重实体轻程序的传统观念,树立实体正义与程序正义并重的新观念,同时要着眼于我国刑事诉讼的现状,避免非法证据排除泛化。在具体操作上,要严格落实证明责任倒置原则,对控辩双方在非法证据排除程序中实行不同层次的证明标准,辩方提供的线索或材料只需达到“存在非法取证的可能性”这样较低程度的证明标准即可,控方的举证则需达到“排除合理怀疑”这样较高程度的证明标准。对于有辩护人的案件,尽量保证在庭前会议中最大可能地解决非法证据排除问题,避免不具备准入资格的非法证据进入庭审,在法官主持下,控辩双方在庭前会议中达成的协议应当具有约束力。     

Empirical Objections to Torture: A Critical Reply

Those who support torture in ticking-time-bomb cases are often criticized as failing to consider empirical objections to torture; however, torture's critics often wield this charge uncritically, doing little more than throwing out platitudes without considering the role of those platitudes in the dialectic. I agree with the critics that more empirical engagement is owed than is typically on offer, but deny that such engagement vindicates their position. This article therefore considers various stock objections to the actual use of torture, while ultimately arguing that those objections fail to undermine the use of torture in exceptional cases. In particular, we will consider the efficacy and reliability of torture, the institutional requirements for torture, the nefarious spread of torture, and whether there are better alternatives to torture. In each of these discussions, let us frame them against the associated contentions made by critics regarding the inapplicability of ticking-time-bomb cases to the real world. The last two sections of the article consider where the burden of proof falls in this debate and, in particular, whether the proponent of torture needs real-world ticking-time-bomb cases to defend exceptional torture, as well as what such cases might be.     

Andreas Wenger and Reto Wollenmann,eds. Bioterrorism: Confronting a Complex Threat

This article examines the transformation of the Chechen conflict from a predominately nationalist to jihadist struggle, and compares the similar changes that took place in the Kashmiri insurgency. Using global jihadist strategy and ideology, and the accompanying influence of Al Qaida, both conflicts are shown to have taken on a new ideology and to have expanded beyond previous areas of operation. In both instances, the political leadership wrapped themselves in the mantle of political Islam (Islamism) as ensuing violence led to rapid socioeconomic transformation and social breakdown, thus allowing foreign jihadists to exert power and take up/divert the cause. In the past few years, two main groups originating in Chechnya and Kashmir have taken on Western targets and become more indoctrinated in Al Qaida's global jihadist ideology: the Caucasus Emirate (CE) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). The opportunist franchising strategy of Al Qaida could come to play a role in the future of both groups, especially if the CE is able to coalesce into a more unified front. More importantly, the global jihadist attributes of the CE must begin to garner the same attention in the Western world as that of LeT.