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891.
随着东盟宪章及经济共同体蓝图的实施以及中国-东盟自由贸易区建成和运行,中国-东盟经贸合作关系踏上新台阶。其进一步发展有赖于中国-东盟经济一体化进程的战略引导。基于区域经济一体化演进趋势,提出了中国一东盟经济一体化战略框架。其基本思路是在合作方向与发展目标指引下,采取多样化的合作方式,多路径展开全面合作,构建一系列战略支撑,最终推动中国与东盟建成关税同盟乃至共同市场。  相似文献   
892.
"区域全面经济伙伴关系"(RCEP)①是近年来东盟力主的东亚地区的区域合作形式,虽然目前还处于"符号"阶段,但业已引起各方的广泛关注。中国加入RCEP应有以下战略考量:一方面,在当今世界经济合作的大背景下,中国应该积极参与RCEP的构建,获得先期的主动权和话语权;另一方面,中国还应放眼全球,与世界主要贸易国继续努力,推动多边贸易自由化的发展。  相似文献   
893.
《Global Crime》2013,14(3):176-190
Parrots are amongst the most beautiful and intelligent bird species in the world. They have been coveted as pets for centuries, particularly in the neo-tropics where they are heavily populated. Unfortunately, this has led to dramatic increases in parrot poaching over the last few decades, making parrots the most threatened bird species in the world. Despite laws against parrot poaching throughout the neo-tropics, the illegal trade continues while parrot populations further decline. This article reviews the literature on the players in the illegal parrot trade (i.e. poachers, itinerant fences, and market sellers), how poaching is largely committed, and which species are more at risk of becoming poached.  相似文献   
894.
Reptiles are the most common illegally traded vertebrates leading to many species becoming extinct or highly endangered; yet these species receive relatively low publicity and few genetic tests are available. Sought after as unusual pets and trophies, reptilian skin and meat are also valuable commodities, while certain anatomical features are valued in traditional medicinal cultures. The Australian carpet python is a popular target for illegal trade, breeding and export activities. It provides a model example for which to develop forensic markers that will positively impact wildlife criminal investigation and enforcement both in Australia and worldwide. We report on the initial isolation and characterisation of 24 polymorphic Short Tandem Repeat (STR) loci to enable individualisation and paternity testing of carpet pythons. These novel loci have been examined for their polymorphic content, heterozygosity and species specificity. The loci are being arranged into multiplex reactions exhibiting heterozygote balance with subsequent determination of stutter measurements. Allelic frequency databases of native populations are being developed that will allow not only match probabilities but also will potentially predict geographic origin of poached individuals. This profiling system will be subject to rigorous validation for use in legal proceedings.  相似文献   
895.
The healthy functioning and long‐term viability of the European Union (EU) ultimately depend on its citizens finding common cause and developing a shared sense of political community. However, in recent years, scholars and pundits alike have expressed doubts about whether the EU's growing cultural, religious and economic diversity is undermining the development of citizens' shared sense of political community, especially following eastern expansion. In this article, this question is examined using data on a key aspect of political community: transnational dyadic trust. Drawing on a unique set of opinion surveys from the formative years of the EU to the first wave of eastward expansion (1954–2004), the development and sources of dyadic trust among EU Member States is studied. While recognising the importance of diversity for trust judgments in the short‐term, the prevailing viewpoint that it is also a long‐term obstacle to integration is challenged. Instead, it is argued that citizens from diverse cultural and economic backgrounds can learn to trust one another and build a sense of political community over time through greater cooperation and interconnectedness. This theory is tested with data on bilateral trade density, which is seen as a proxy and precursor for other forms of cross‐national interconnectedness. Employing longitudinal models, the article also goes beyond existing research to test the theories over time. The study makes a contribution to the research on European integration, suggesting that over time mutual trust and a shared sense of political community can indeed develop in diverse settings.  相似文献   
896.
Abstract

Although the 1994 Agreed Framework offers a solution to the North Korean nuclear crisis, many problems may prevent its successful implementation. Should the Agreed Framework break down, the United States and South Korea have indicated that they will ask Japan to join them in a trilateral economic sanctions regime.

Japanese participation would include the severance of trade and financial flows, including money sent to North Korea from Japan's ethnic Korean community. In this paper I examine this financial flow, and, finding it a valuable linkage to the North Korean economy, conclude that Japanese participation is vital for a successful sanctions regime against North Korea.

Given this, I examine whether or not Tokyo's cooperation will be forthcoming. Japan would be inclined to participate given that it has a strong interest in eliminating a regional nuclear threat. Furthermore, Japan would also feel pressure from its allies to display diplomatic leadership in the Asia‐Pacific region, as befits a country of its economic importance.

Despite these international reasons for Japanese participation, domestic factors will be likely to prevent Tokyo from joining a sanctions regime: constitutional questions, the possibility of terrorist reprisals, interest in Pyongyang's regime maintenance, concerns for the rights of Japan's ethnic Korean community, and political ties between North Korean and Japanese politicians. I find that these domestic factors will outweigh international pressures for Japanese participation, and thus conclude that in the event of a breakdown in the Agreed Framework, alternatives to a trilateral sanctions strategy against North Korea must be considered.  相似文献   
897.
劳动法规定了职工依法享有带薪年休假权,人保部在此基础上分别针对机关、事业单位和企业职工制定了两个具体的实施办法,《国民旅游休闲纲(2013—2020年)》又进一步强调了落实带薪年休假之必。但目前许多单位职工的带薪年休假制并未得到落实。工会应充分发挥自身优势,千方百计帮助广大职工真正享受到这一制度带来的益处。  相似文献   
898.
With respect to the major approaches of state-society relations and Chinese business networks in Southeast Asia, two knowledge gaps are identified. First, little is known about how two sets of dualistic conceptual entities may be connected in the often-contentious state formation process between: (1) the ruling minority and ruled majority; and (2) the nationalising state and grain-producing frontiers. Second, very little is known about the role that the Chinese business networks played and how they contributed to the state formation processes. Using a Philippine trans-local grain-trading network as a site of investigation, the paper seeks to fill these knowledge gaps by delineating an integrative approach – designated as rhizomatic political economy – which argues that Southeast Asian state formation may hinge on the instrumentalisation of Chinese business networks and what is identified as their rhizomatic power/knowledge system. They are not just business-brokers in the trans-local grain trade that connects the national capital and grain-producing locales, but also serve as political brokers to implement state measures in regards to food and interior security affairs.  相似文献   
899.
日本对非经济关系虽然已有数十年的历史,但进展缓慢,日本学界及经济界也常常批评日本政府对非洲不够重视。90年代以后日本充分利用非洲发展会议(TICAD)这一平台,全方位地加大了对非洲的关注力度,尤其是目前的安倍政权更是推出了一系列的非洲经济政策,旨在增强同非洲各国的经济关系,谋求更多的经济利益和国际话语权。  相似文献   
900.
Abstract

The quest for justice by Africans and peoples of African descent, wherever they may be in the world, is arguably one of the most daunting mental, psychological, moral, legal and material challenges facing humanity in general, and the peoples of Africa in particular. It is a question of whether African peoples demand justice for the wrongs committed against Africa and its peoples over the last 500 years, or whether Africa and African peoples accept complicity in the global impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of those injustices, and by doing so diminish the significance of contemporary enthusiasm for global justice. Centralising the question of impunity to date for horrendous crimes, gross human and peoples’ rights violations and other injustices against Africa and Africans is not meant to distract Africans in Africa and the diaspora from the quest, in the 21st century, for a new Africa that we have a historical responsibility to build and, by doing so, to ensure that the past is not repeated. Acknowledging the wrongs of the past and making symbolic reparative actions for those wrongs are essential for ensuring that the pursuit for a better world of justice is not built on top of underlying sinkholes and on the waste dumps of past injustices. Critical breakthroughs, such as the commitment enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union (2000), on crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and the prohibition of unconstitutional change of government, must be vigorously pursued to their logical conclusion. To do so requires an understanding of where Africans, in their relationship with peoples in the rest of the world, are coming from. Smaller parts of the world have experienced similar heinous injustices with impunity, and Africa's pursuit of real justice also applies to those states and their peoples. Corrective or reparative justice is needed to clear the path for the meaningful and honest promotion of real global justice in the making of the future. It is imperative that the making of the African Renaissance confront real global justice for the sake of the past, the present and the future.  相似文献   
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