从WTO贸易自由化视角反思平行进口

结合国内宪法层面上国民待遇原则针对平行进口的功能新解读与国际法层面WTO相关规则的深入分析,有助于我们正确理解平行进口现象,在宪法层面对国民待遇做出适当限制并制定相应的知识产权国内法规则,以平衡各方利益、减少甚或消解平行进口对专利权人、国内被许可企业产生的负面影响。     

印度金融自由化对中国金融体制改革的参照意义

本文通过对当代印度经济政策演变历程的分析,对印度的金融自由化进程中存在的问题以及金融危机的生成机理进行了梳理,并在相关的理论指导下对中国的金融改革提出了一些应对的思路.本文对于了解印度金融自由化并吸取其经验教训,促进我国金融体制改革,均具一定的现实意义.     

论美国贸易自由化进程中贸易调整援助制度

当今世界,以区域贸易协定（RTA）和自由贸易协定（FTA）为代表的区域经济一体化和自由化的发展日趋迅猛,发达国家在实施贸易自由化、区域经济一体化乃至经济全球化过程中,对旨在因此进程而受到牺牲的产业、企业、工人和农民的利益实施补偿和援助的配套制度建设高度重视。而发端于欧洲经济共同体、而后被美国发扬光大的贸易调整援助（TAA）制度,正是上述贸易自由化和区域经济一体化配套制度的支柱之一。在进一步推进贸易自由化过程中,我国一方面应大胆借鉴欧美的TAA制度,另一方面也应当汲取发达国家在实施TAA项目过程中的教训,在保留TAA制度合理内核的基础上注意扬弃和克服这一制度的缺陷和弊端。     

区域贸易协定“竞争性自由化”辨析

在WTO多哈回合持续停滞的现状下,RTAs(区域贸易协定)竞争性自由化态势持续升温。但由于制度成本的存在、主导国家力量的局限以及各国利益的殊异,各个RTA之间的融合相当困难,从而竞争性自由化无法最终实现全球贸易自由化,而且还存在南北国家利益不对称的明显弊端。为避免国际贸易格局的过度破碎化,各国一方面应推动RTA原产地规则的功能性整合,并促进各个RTA之间以及WTO与RTAs之间的经贸政策对话,另一方面仍应努力推动WTO多边自由化进程,促进多边化与区域化协调发展。     

美国贸易政策制定的宪政体制论

美国贸易政策制定权力由《美国宪法》明确界定,所以开启贸易自由化的＂1934年体制＂本质上是一个宪政体制。该体制的形成是基于后危机时代重构政治平衡与摆脱经济危机的现实需要,而其变迁是围绕国会＂授权-控权或监督＂的宪政路径展开的,并由贸易保护主义力量与自由贸易主义力量之间的宪政博弈推动的。这种宪政博弈实质上是在特定历史条件下的一种贸易立法博弈,而具体表现为推动贸易自由化的＂四位一体＂制度架构。对正在积极推进贸易自由化的中国而言,这种源于宪政博弈的贸易制度创新实践可资借鉴之处主要在于两个方面,即后危机时代贸易自由化立法范式的创新和自由贸易与不公平贸易二分法的立法体例的引入。     

俄罗斯经济自由化与市场开放问题论析

经济自由化和市场开放既是俄罗斯经济转轨的核心内容之一,也是一个十分重要的理论问题。俄罗斯实行经济自由化和市场开放的原因是多方面的;经济自由化和市场开放的根本目的,一是与国际经济接轨,二是减少国家对经济的干预;经济自由化和市场开放的具体措施是经济自由化、价格自由化和对外经济活动自由化;经济自由化和市场开放与经济全球化之间的关系是相关互动的。实行经济自由化和市场开放必须加强国家的宏观调控作用。     

贸易自由化与环境政策协调发展论——兼评WTO贸易导向的协调模式

贸易自由化对社会经济福利的发展以及环境保护的重要性决定了两者协调的必要性。两者在终极目标和利益主体上存在着可协调性,协调贸易自由化与环境政策必须坚持共同的义务与责任原则、差别的义务与责任原则、适度贸易自由化的原则和环境政策的整体经济性原则。WTO贸易与环境政策的协调发展过度关注环境问题,以及协调机制的内在缺陷,阻碍了贸易体制的发展和完善,无益于以贸易方式解决环境问题,必须改革完善协调机制,实现WTO贸易与环境政策协调发展模式中"贸易导向"的自觉。     

APEC and the WTO: Collision or co‐operation?

Abstract

The creation of an integration scheme of the dimensions of the Asia‐Pacific Economic Co‐operation forum (APEC) is causing concern for the future of the world trading system. APEC will either turn into an economic bloc or it will become a forum of limited relevance. If APEC decided to form a classic free trade area and provided its trade concessions only on the basis of reciprocity, there would be little need for the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the future. Considering its size, APEC could then easily develop into a competing system for the liberalization of trade. If, however, APEC continues its policy of ‘coordinated unilateral liberalization’, the motivation for APEC will have to be questioned: if trade liberalization following the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) logic, i.e. on a non‐discriminatory basis following the most‐favoured nation principle, is desired, should not this aim be pursued in the appropriate forum, i.e. in the World Trade Organization (WTO)?     

Islamic Fundamentalism and Women's Economic Role: The Case of Iran

It is commonly believed that Islamic fundamentalism is responsible for the low female employment rate in the Middle East and North Africa. I earlier presented evidence from Indonesia indicating that the deteriorating conditions of women's economic role in the 1990s was related to the economic circumstances of the Asian Crisis, not to the rise of political Islam (Bahranitash, 2002). In fact, in Indonesia, increasing support for the Islamic movement was itself spurred by the Asian Crisis. As a contrasting case, I here examine Iran, a country where political Islam has been in power for over two decades. If commonly held views about the impact of the Islamic religion on female employment were true, one would expect a steady or sharp decline of the female employment rate in postrevolutionary Iran. The empirical data show the reverse. Women's formal employment rates increased in the 1990s and did so much faster than they had during the 1960s and 1970s, when a pro-Western secular regime was in power. This sharp increase in women's employment seriously challenges the view that religion explains women's economic status in Muslim countries. The evidence from Iran indicates that the situation of women's employment there has followed a common pattern of elsewhere in the South—an overall increase in female employment. This fact then suggests that the forces of international political economy, rather than religion, appear to be a determining factor in the state of women's economic role in Iran.