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151.
茅健 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2004,18(5):73-74
在全面建设小康社会的历史进程中,工会女职工组织应正确处理与物质文明、政治文明和精神文明建设的关系,不断提高素质和创新能力,更好地维护女职工的合法权益。 相似文献
152.
黄河涛 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2004,18(1):1-5
西方国家和工会滥用反倾销条款,使中国企业和职工利益遭受巨大损失。美国一家企业联合两家工会对我国彩电行业提起反倾销起诉,这在国际贸易纠纷中绝少见到,向中国工会提出了一个亟待关注的新问题。 相似文献
153.
John McIlroy 《Labor History》2016,57(3):347-373
The economic and political crisis of 1931 provoked the reappearance of rank and file movements in Britain. This article examines the unofficial organisations that developed in building, engineering, passenger transport and the railways – as well as more ephemeral bodies. It critically synthesises the existing historiography and replenishes it with new material from the Russian archives. The progress of rank and filism to 1939 is surveyed and the largely forgotten project of a new Communist-led rank and file organisation, a Trade Union Militant League, which would supersede the National Minority Movement, is recuperated. The article stresses the role of Comintern policy in harnessing and moulding grass-roots rebellion. It validates that strand in the literature which argues that Moscow’s subsequent turn to the popular front and aspirations to alliances with labour movement leaders predominated over, and legitimated, indigenous influences, enhanced existing adaptation to trade unionism, and encouraged subordination of oppositional movements to activity in official structures. By 1939, the Communists had abandoned the idea of a national rank and file movement they had pursued since 1923. Little survived of the revolutionary enterprise launched in 1931. Rank and filism endured only as a handful of sectional, party-sponsored, trade union ginger groups. 相似文献
154.
Philip F. Rubio 《Labor History》2016,57(5):565-587
This article, part of a larger work in progress, uses archives, key secondary sources, and oral histories from participants in the 1970 United States postal wildcat strike for better pay and working conditions to argue that this was a monumental event both unique and representative of the times. It was a rank-and-file effort that began in New York City – with a history of labor militancy – and rapidly spread across the country. The strike defied federal statute outlawing federal employee strikes, and also union leaders who opposed striking. A spike in 1960s hiring of blacks, veterans, women, and young people, combined with established labor unity tradition, a nationwide workplace and long-simmering frustrations produced the strike. But its dual character (both spontaneous and organized by local union officials and activists) allowed it to grow and maintain for eight days with no central coordination. Besides winning a living wage, the strike triggered the transformation of the US Post Office Department into the US Postal Service (USPS) with full collective bargaining rights for postal unions representing its employees. Moreover, it brought rank-and-file politics into postal unions while contributing to the increased strength of postal unions, public union organizing, and the labor movement in general. 相似文献
155.
在开展脱贫攻坚工作的过程中,工作贫困问题得到越来越多的关注,推动和实现工作贫困群体的更高质量就业问题亟待解决.本研究利用2017年北京市职工队伍调查数据,分析了工作贫困者就业质量影响因素.结果 显示:劳动报酬因素对工作贫困者就业质量的总体作用相对薄弱;工作时间因素对工作贫困者就业质量的解释力度较弱;职业发展因素和职业尊... 相似文献
156.
Emanuele Achino 《Journal of Gender Studies》2016,25(2):155-168
Since gender disparities do not appear to be confined within the political system, I assume a gender perspective within social movements. In order to better understand the relations between the social movements and gender issues, I analysed the case of the Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and Aid to Citizens (Attac) in Italy. Attac is an international network of sibling organizations. The Italian branch has been described as a political/cultural association which is based on previous cultural/political backgrounds of militants. Accordingly, I supposed that these cultural/political backgrounds have affected the present organization and its forms of participation. Structural information on participation in parties and trade unions proves that Attac has a strong linkage to the Italian left-wing, while the relations between gender, participation and power have been investigated in the fieldwork. Yet, certain dynamics of inequity and the risk of reproducing models learned elsewhere, which also replicate gender exclusion in those associations which lie halfway between civil society and political parties, have been discussed for gender and participation in the contradictory age of globalization. 相似文献
157.
吴建平 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2018,32(5):12-31
对国内近40年间的中国工会研究文献进行分析发现,中国工会研究一直表现出强烈的时代特点和现实关怀,其学术规范性在日趋增强,研究内容和方向也趋于多样化。今后中国工会研究应将结构分析与机制分析相结合,同时应加入历史维度。 相似文献
158.
苏建文 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2002,16(3):32-33
职业安全卫生管理体系 (OHSMS)是由国际劳工组织 (ILO)提出的对企业的职业安全卫生工作进行系统管理的标准及方法。我国已经开始了推广、认证工作 ,这也是广大工会劳动保护工作者应当参予的一项重要工作。本文论述了OHSMS的内容、特点及笔者参与企业该项工作实践的体会 相似文献
159.
西方国家工会集体谈判经验研究--兼论对我国工会的启示 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
王贤森 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2003,17(6):54-57
集体协商是当今世界各市场经济国家普遍推行的协调劳动关系的一项劳动法律制度.在近百年的历史演进中,西方各国工会在推进该项制度的实践中,创造并积累了不少可贵经验.在我国建立和发展社会主义市场经济体制的今天,结合我国的实际,并借鉴西方工会的有关经验,以改进我国集体协商的运作,应是当前我们的一项明智的历史选择. 相似文献
160.
张玉梅 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2003,17(5):7-8
维护职工的合法权益是工会的基本职责,劳动关系的解除涉及到职工的最大劳动权益,工会应当履行维护职责,探索维权的途径和方法,维护职工的合法权益。 相似文献