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61.
劳动关系的和谐是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要内容.将劳动关系纳入法治化轨道运行是确保劳动关系和谐的关键.对于协调劳动关系重要法律的<工会法>在实施中出现的工会组建和职工入会的各种误区,以及在平等协商、签订集体合同和职工民主管理制度推行中遇到的困惑,从立法和执法的层面进行反思,提出对策,乃是当前劳动关系协调中的重要课题.  相似文献   
62.
随着企事业单位劳动人事制度改革的深入,流动型务工人员已经成为社会主义现代化建设的重要力量。及时吸收他们加入工会组织,有效地保护他们的合法权益,充分凋动他们的劳动热情和积极性,是工会组织义不容辞的责任。吸收流动型务工人员入会要从转变观念、建立必要的规章制度做起,同时要在全社会形成共识,尽快建立起与之相适应的协调机制。  相似文献   
63.
在推进小康社会建设中,教育工会要与时俱进,加快工会工作的法制化、民主化和制度化进程,全心全意为教职工服务。  相似文献   
64.
The heart of the Keynesian message is the need for demand management by monetary and fiscal means to counteract seriously deficient demand. The unemployment of the 1980s had at its heart union monopoly and was accompanied initially by double digit inflation. Keynesian demand management would have made no sense. The situation is now totally different when the credit crunch has brought on genuine demand deficiency. But Keynes left unsolved the role, if any of the budget balance. It is not good enough to say that ‘growth’ will take care of that too.  相似文献   
65.
经调查,2007-2009年近三年来,山东省机械企业一线职工的工资收入增长缓慢,收入水平偏低,职工收入分配差距不断扩大,职工对企业工资决定机制参与度低,职工对收入分配不公平反映强烈。分析造成这种状况的原因,主要是有关法律法规不完善、政府宏观调控乏力、企业内部工资决定机制设置不合理、工会组织发挥作用不够等。改进的对策和建议是:加快修订和完善企业工资分配等方面的法律、法规;强化政府宏观调控的措施和手段;指导企业建立公平合理的工资分配机制;充分发挥工会组织在调节企业收入分配中不可代替的作用。  相似文献   
66.
在社会主义条件下,应从各自性质出发,把握中国工会与中国共产党二者关系的实质;从执政党的功能变化出发,把握两者关系的新内容;从市场经济的特性出发,把握党的领导方式的新变化;从时代和战略的高度,正确把握中国共产党与中国工会的辩证关系。  相似文献   
67.
Abstract

Starting in 1991, Egypt undertook ‘structural adjustment’ reforms at the behest of international financial institutions and the country’s foreign donors. These reforms have often been included in a larger discussion of economic reforms and the withdrawal of the state from the Egyptian market. While certainly market-based, these reforms were interpreted and implemented in a uniquely Egyptian context and moved forward not through a market logic but with a specific understanding of political feasibility. Despite these local peculiarities, Egypt experienced a backlash familiar to researchers of structural adjustment internationally. How did Egypt’s structural adjustment and other ‘liberalizing’ reforms produce spatialized and sectoral backlash and drive workers from quiescence to militancy? Based on extensive fieldwork and interviews conducted in 2011–2013, this paper argues that the choices made by the Egyptian regime from 1991 to 2010 generated ‘labour lacunae’ – spaces in the political-economic structure where methods of interest aggregation were replaced by coercion or neglect – allowing militancy to flourish. I explore how labour entrepreneurs exploited these ‘lacunae’ to redefine ‘local’ protest in the run-up to the Egyptian Revolution of 2011.  相似文献   
68.
The main objective of this article is to examine how the links between trade unions and affiliated political parties of the left influenced the strategies of labour during the transition and the early years of democracy in Spain. It argues that political partisanship is a key factor for understanding the unions' strategies. After a period of intense labour conflict during the transition to democracy, labour mobilization decreased and Spain's unions and other social actors initiated distinctive processes of social bargaining, starting in 1979. The central argument is that the relationship of unions and political parties in the authoritarian and transition periods was a major factor in conditioning strategies in the post-authoritarian period. In the end, the consolidation of Spanish democracy has led to the strengthening of the main trade unions. Contrary to what happened in other historical periods they used this power to contribute to governability and the consolidation of the new democratic regime.  相似文献   
69.
This article analyses the effectiveness of trade unions' electoral engagement in the union-dense electoral localities of Bekasi and Tangerang in Indonesia's 2009 legislative elections. Our analysis reveals that legacies of authoritarianism, electoral rules, and union fragmentation pushed unions to pursue an ineffective electoral strategy of running union cadres on various party tickets. In Bekasi, local leaders within the Federation of Indonesian Metalworkers Unions (FSPMI) chose not to mobilize resources to support union candidates because the union's national leadership had failed to convince them of the soundness of its strategy. In Tangerang, local leaders embraced the National Workers Union's (SPN) national electoral strategy, but had inadequate membership data to conduct electoral mapping and did not provide candidates with financial and leadership support. Neither union, meanwhile, gave much consideration to the problem of translating membership to votes: survey data reveal that most members could not name union candidates, and many of those who could did not vote for them. The article argues that, despite its flaws, trade unions' strategy of engagement in the electoral arena constitutes an important step forward in the consolidation of Indonesia's democracy.  相似文献   
70.
依法治会是工会在政治文明建设中发挥作用的重要手段   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
依法治会是党的依法治国方略对工会工作提出的必然要求,是工会参与协调劳动关系、履行维护基本职责和规范自身行为的需要,是工会在政治文明建设中发挥作用的重要手段。政治文明的本质是制度文明,因而必须抓好依法治会的各项制度建设。同时,还要加强工会组织自身的民主化、制度化和群众化建设,要加强职工队伍的民主法制及权利意识教育,为工会政治文明建设提供人力资源和智力支持。  相似文献   
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