The Swedish dystopia: violent imaginaries of the radical right

ABSTRACT

Thorleifsson examines the ways in which violent imaginaries of Sweden have been discursively constructed and used by populist radical-right (PRR) parties and actors in contemporary Europe. Based on multisited fieldwork among politicians and supporters of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the Hungarian Jobbik party, this article demonstrates how individual acts of violence are ‘transvaluated’ into violent imaginaries of migrants from Muslim-majority lands. What Thorleifsson terms ‘the Swedish dystopia’ not only entails a message of alarm and warning. PRR actors also use the trope of the Swedish dystopia in their call for action against Muslim migrants and minorities who, they claim, pose an ethnoreligious threat to national identity, security and even (Judaeo)-Christian civilization as a whole.     

A psycho‐political profile of party activists and left‐wing and right‐wing extremists

Previous studies comparing ideological groups have been restricted to tests of between‐group differences in the means of relevant political psychological variables, thereby neglecting group differences in the variances, meanings and nomological networks of the tested variables. A first exploratory study used data from the European Social Survey (N = 7,314) comparing groups of political party members on the basis of their scores on a self‐placement left–right scale. The second study (N = 69) constituted an in‐depth test for the presence of differences between samples of political activists of moderate parties, communists, anarchists and right‐wing extremists. The results revealed that there is a fair amount of heterogeneity within left‐wing and right‐wing extremists, indicating a substantial amount of within‐group variance of social attitudes, values and prejudice. Moreover, the extremist ideologies are best approached as distinct ideologies that cannot be reduced to extreme versions of moderate ideology, and differences in the meanings and nomological networks of the various extremist ideologies were also obtained. It is erroneous to consider members of extremist groups as being ‘all alike’. The findings obtained from samples of political moderates are not a particularly solid basis for theories about extremism.     

Trends in Adult Suicides in New Mexico: Utilizing Data from the New Mexico Violent Death Reporting System*

Abstract: Although many suicide prevention programs focus on youth suicides, data indicate the vast majority of suicides occur among adults (18–64 years). In 2005 New Mexico joined the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s National Violent Death Reporting System, collecting data on suicides, homicides, and unintentional firearm fatalities to better inform state and national prevention programs. We utilized data collected by the New Mexico Violent Death Reporting System in its first 2 years of operation (2005 and 2006) in order to define the demographic patterns of adult suicides in the state and characterize risk factors. A total of 526 suicides occurred among adults during this time, with the majority being male (78.5%) and White non‐Hispanic (56.7%). The highest incidence was in adults between 45 and 54 years (28.1%). Firearms were the most commonly used mechanism, and “current depressed mood” the most commonly identified risk factor. High rates of adult suicide indicate the need for targeted prevention programs.     

Unnatural and Violent Death in Cases with High Blood Alcohol Concentration— Autopsy Study

The use of alcohol increases the risk of dying from unnatural or violent causes. The presented study explored the distribution of age, gender, cause, and circumstances of death in persons who died in an unnatural and violent manner, with a blood alcohol concentration (BAC) higher than 0.3 g/dL, and where the cause of death was not alcohol intoxication. We defined the control (0 < BAC < 0.3 g/dL) and study (BAC ≥ 0.3 g/dL) groups, as in subjects with these concentrations, there is a significant risk of gross intoxication, stupor, and death. The subjects from the study group were older, with no difference in gender distribution. Traffic accidents were the most common fatal event in both groups, followed by suicides. Other accidents (choking on food and exposure to fire) were more frequent in the study group. Compared to the control group, subjects from the study group were older persons whose deaths were mainly accidental.     

论暴力犯罪死刑裁量规范的等级化

通过对我国《刑法》分则中的27个暴力犯罪死刑罪名的规范分析,个罪的死刑裁量规范的犯罪类型与刑罚类型的规定存在差异。犯罪类型分为基本犯、加重犯和特别加重犯,刑罚类型分为刑种配置和处罚方式。由此构成暴力犯罪死刑裁量的量刑规范等级,包括罪质构成与刑罚配置两个方面。各种不同的罪质构成与刑罚配置的量刑规范等级都在立法规定上限制了...     

Pauline Hanson and the Rise and Fall of the Radical Right in Australia

Abstract

In this paper Deutchman examines the rise and fall of the radical right in the late 1990s in Australia. In particular, she focuses on the rise and fall of Pauline Hanson's One Nation party. In 1996 an obscure backbencher named Pauline Hanson was elected to the federal parliament. From the moment she made her first speech in September of that year she was rarely off the nation's front pages. By April 1997 she started her own political party, One Nation. By July 1998 her party was able to win an astonishing 23 per cent of the vote in the Queensland state election. And by October 1998 she lost her own seat in Parliament and saw her party's fortunes decline. Deutchman examines various theories which have attempted to explain the rise of radical-right parties in Europe and the United States in order to understand the Australian case. Notably, she argues that the convergence of the two major parties, the Coalition and the Australian Labor Party, provides the setting in which the emergence of a radical-right party becomes more likely. Such a party often emerges when the two major parties are centre-right ones, as is the case in Australia. In most countries research has shown that it is difficult for a radical-right party to do well nationally. Indeed, this has been true in Australia. Despite the fact that One Nation has lost much of its electoral support, Deutchman argues that it is premature to write off the radical right in Australia.     

司法体制改革背景下司法警院警察体育教学研究 ——以广东司法警官职业学院为例

新时期司法体制改革背景下,狱内最低伤害武力控制理念的提出及技能运用,对司法警院警察体育教学的改革提出了新要求。对司法警院警察体育教学的改革措施等进行探讨分析,旨在为进一步提高我国司法警院警察体育教学水平,提升学警们的防卫控制技术水平以及增强监狱警察处理突发事件的能力和警察的法制意识、安全意识、责任意识等提供参考。     

National self-image as an obstacle to ensuring children’s rights in the context of domestic violence and family law – the case of Sweden

ABSTRACT

The aim of this paper is to highlight and discuss contradictions and challenges in the current policy and practice regarding fathers’ violence towards mothers and children in the Swedish welfare state. In particular, professional discourses and understandings of domestic violence in disputes about contact, custody, residence and maintenance, following parental separation, are analysed. My research suggests that abusers find ways to manipulate professionals and get them unwittingly to enable their continued control of victimised mothers and children. One conclusion is that oppression is maintained through processes of familialisation and selective repression. These discursive practices reproduce intersectional inequalities and, in doing so, in many cases result in the administration rather than prevention of further violence.     

Can we keep it simple? Using the BARR-2002R with a community-based sex offender sample

The Brief Assessment of Recidivism Risk (BARR-2002R) comprises of six items from the Static-2002R and has been designed for predicting general and violent recidivism among sexual offenders. The present study investigates the ability of the BARR-2002R, Static-2002R, Static-99R, and SORAG to predict general, violent, and sexual recidivism in a sample of 342 male sex offenders at a community-based forensic clinic. All four of the risk schemes demonstrated large effect sizes for predicting general, violent, and sexual recidivism, although the BARR-2002R produced a moderate effect size in its prediction of sexual reoffending. Unlike past research, the BARR-2002R did not outperform the other measures; however, our findings showed that the BARR-2002R adds incremental value to the Static-99R in predicting general and violent recidivism. These findings provide support that the BARR-2002R is a valid, abbreviated risk scheme that could be used in routine assessments of individuals convicted of sexual offending.     

Examining the Externalities of Welfare Reform: TANF and Crime

This study explores the relationship between welfare policy variation in the United States following the introduction of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) and its relationship with various types of crime. While early studies of the effects of welfare assistance on crime consistently found a negative association, more recent examinations have complicated these findings. Nearly all prior research focuses on Aid for Families with Dependent Children or early years of TANF. Examining a longer time-series and using propensity score weighting to model the tendencies of states to select into more stringent welfare regimes, we find a strong association between states with greater levels of welfare restrictiveness and higher rates of violent crime. There is mixed evidence that this relationship also exists with property crimes.