全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1825篇 |
免费 | 75篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 200篇 |
工人农民 | 37篇 |
世界政治 | 117篇 |
外交国际关系 | 311篇 |
法律 | 204篇 |
中国共产党 | 136篇 |
中国政治 | 140篇 |
政治理论 | 461篇 |
综合类 | 294篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 19篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 25篇 |
2020年 | 56篇 |
2019年 | 63篇 |
2018年 | 77篇 |
2017年 | 80篇 |
2016年 | 102篇 |
2015年 | 64篇 |
2014年 | 102篇 |
2013年 | 387篇 |
2012年 | 123篇 |
2011年 | 90篇 |
2010年 | 79篇 |
2009年 | 100篇 |
2008年 | 90篇 |
2007年 | 75篇 |
2006年 | 71篇 |
2005年 | 78篇 |
2004年 | 83篇 |
2003年 | 53篇 |
2002年 | 29篇 |
2001年 | 28篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1900条查询结果,搜索用时 281 毫秒
41.
近年,国内学界对协商民主模式颇为关注,众多学者对这一模式的起源、定义、发展趋向等方面进行了大量研究,但很少注意到:协商民主模式的有效运作必须以一国内部不同群体之间的横切分裂为基础;这一模式内部包含多元参与;其有效运作必须以一国内部经济、宗教、语言、民族、意识形态等方面的非两极化为前提。协商民主模式的发展必须注意多元参与和运作前提等等。对中国共产党÷八大代表结构变化的分析可以判断出:我国正在完善多元协商模式,而且,这一模式将有效维护我国政治、经济和社会的稳定。 相似文献
42.
Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy. 相似文献
43.
RICHARD KELLY 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(2):260-268
Since it came to power, New Labour has introduced a range of new electoral system into the British political system, implicitly accepting the argument that Britain's traditional electoral system - first-past-the-post (FPTP) - has been a cause of voter disenchantment with Britain's representative democracy. In this article, it is asserted that Labour's reforms have merely compounded this problem, while demonstrating that all electoral systems have significant flaws. Indeed, it is argued that the flaws of the new systems are more serious than those of FPTP and threaten an even greater disconnection between UK politicians and the people they represent." 相似文献
44.
PATRICIA WHITE 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(2):221-231
This paper examines the citizenship test which is part of the UK naturalisation process. The test is based on the government publication Life in the United Kingdom: A Journey to Citizenship. A detailed analysis of its two editions (2004 and 2007) reveals that the conception of the citizen, and the picture of British government and society underlying each are very different. There is, additionally, a mismatch between the rationale offered for the Life in the United Kingdom test and what the latter can in fact test: the attitudes and civic virtues mentioned in the rationale are untestable on-line. A society which aspires to be a democracy, it is argued, needs to scrutinise carefully the fairness and democratic appropriateness of its procedures for admitting new citizens. 相似文献
45.
Does Workplace Experience Enhance Political Participation? A Critical Test of a Venerable Hypothesis
Per Adman 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):115-138
Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis
put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic
decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative
panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation
was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional
data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance
of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.
相似文献
Per AdmanEmail: |
46.
高瑊君 《中共山西省委党校学报》2001,24(4):31-33
村民自治是在广大农村实行直接民主的一项基本政治制度,是有中国特色社会主义民主政治的主要形式之一.村民自治的核心内容是民主选举、民主决策、民主管理和民主监督,体现社会主义国家人民当家作主的民主本质,显示社会主义民主的广泛性和真实性特征.村民自治是我国农村经济体制改革的必然要求,为我国农村开辟了一条发展中国特色社会主义民主政治的道路,实行村民自治有着极其重要的战略意义. 相似文献
47.
西方个人主义价值观研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李文斌 《中国青年政治学院学报》2001,20(3):55-58
个人主义是近代西方社会的主流价值观,它包含两个层面的内容在个人层面上经历了人道主义、利己主义和功利主义、自由主义三个阶段,在国家层面上经历了资本主义、殖民主义、帝国主义和法西斯主义与霸权主义.个人主义具有平民性、自由性、民主性、侵略性等本质特征和非本质特征. 相似文献
48.
刘武俊 《上海政法学院学报》2001,16(4):20-23
现代立法程序作为制度文明有四大基本属性,即民主性、公开性、交涉性和自律性.民主性体现在巩固多数权力和保障少数权利两方面;公开性是公民行使知情权的必然要求;交涉性是立法程序中一个利益表达、利益冲突、利益协调、利益整合的交涉过程;自律性是立法程序的德道基石.四大基本属性是衡量立法程序作为制度文明的重要标识. 相似文献
49.
Michele Mioni 《Labor History》2016,57(2):277-297
The purpose of this article is to analyse how the Italian socialist movement viewed the social reforms of the Attlee Labour government introduced just after the Second World War. The intention is to study the extent and limits of the labour influence on Italian socialism. The Labour Party made the re-founding of a new interclass social pact, a universal matter intending to meet the needs of both the working and middle classes. The Italian socialist movement monitored the Labour government’s changes with interest, assessing them from two different perspectives. The reformist wing had a better grasp of the political–ideological implications of Labour’s approach to the welfare state. Vice versa, the majority of the Italian socialists pursued a class socialism and a strong alliance with the Communist Party, rejecting the Labour social policy model. After the split of 1947, however, the two views of Italian socialism failed to develop and implement a political programme for a welfare state based on the British universalistic tendency model. The political weaknesses of Italian socialist organizations in the field of social policy contributed to the characterization of the Italian welfare state in the post-war period and fundamentally delayed its universalistic implementation, at least until the 1960s. 相似文献
50.
Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002 Turkey has undergone double regime transitions. First, tutelary democracy ended; second, a competitive authoritarian regime has risen in its stead. We substantiate this assertion with specific and detailed evidence from 2015 election cycles, as well as from broader trends in Turkish politics. This evidence indeed confirms that elections are no longer fair; civil liberties are being systematically violated; and the playing field is highly skewed in favour of the ruling AKP. The June 2015 election results and their aftermath further confirm that Turkey has evolved into a competitive authoritarian regime. 相似文献