加强大学生马克思主义信仰教育

在多元经济、政治、文化的影响下,我国当代大学生的信仰逐步呈现多元化的发展趋势,因此,加强大学生马克思主义信仰教育,已成为我国高校当前一项极其重要而迫切的任务。高校教师要从自身出发,做到思想和行为相统一,在教育内容的选择上做到科学和价值相统一,在教育方式的运用上做到原则和灵活相统一,在教育效果的考核上做到理论和实践相统一,从而使更多的大学生逐步树立马克思主义信仰。     

论加快农民工工人阶级化的历史进程

随着我国经济的发展和城镇化进程的加快,大批农村富余劳动力进城务工,成为我国工人阶级的新成员和重要组成部分。加快农民工工人阶级化的历史进程,是工会组织一项重大的战略任务。把农民工组织到工会中来,健全农民工权益保障制度,强化农民工的培训,注重满足农民工不断增长的精神文化需求,加强和改善各级党组织对农民工工作的指导等,都是加快农民工工人阶级化的重要举措。     

高校辅导员博客在学生工作中的创新应用简

将博客运用到高校辅导员学生工作中是提高其工作科学化、信息化、规范化的有效途径之一。高校辅导员在实际工作中,要充分运用博客这一高效的信息传播手段进行班级日常管理,加强大学生思想政治教育、德育教育和心理健康教育三项日常教育,搭建与学生交流的信息共享平台,完善学生电子档案管理和评价体系,以促进学生工作的进一步开展。     

加强高校学生工作档案管理

高校学生工作档案管理是高校工作中不可缺少的重要组成部分,对提升学生工作的效率和质量起着十分重要的作用。新形势下,高校学生工作档案管理存在业务管理不规范、制度不健全、人员素质不高等问题,因此,必须通过创新管理理念、健全管理制度、提高人员综合素质、加强档案信息化建设等途径不断加强和改进,以使其更好地服务于高校的建设和发展。     

激励机制在大学生科技创新中的运用

激励机制在大学生课外科技创新中的有效运用,对于促进高校持续健康发展具有重要的现实意义。当前,高校大学生科技创新激励机制普遍存在一些问题,如学校缺乏明确的激励政策、专业教师缺乏参与热情和指导经验、大学生学业压力大等。为此,高校要运用强化激励理论,完善学校激励政策和保障机制;运用需求理论,充分调动专业教师参与大学生科技创新的积极性;运用目标设定理论,帮助大学生树立合理的科技创新目标。     

红色文化与大学生励志教育

红色文化作为一种先进的文化形态,具有丰富的思想内涵,是加强大学生励志教育的有效载体。在实现中华民族伟大复兴的历史进程中,运用红色文化充分挖掘其育人价值,对于引导大学生树立崇高理想、培育积极心态、践行人生志向等方面具有十分重要的意义。因此,高校只有把红色文化纳入课堂教学、大学生社会实践活动和校园文化之中,并积极构建红色德育基地,才能推动大学生励志教育不断走向深入。     

中国马克思主义工会理论的百年演进与成果

中国的马克思主义工会理论是在近代中国的社会条件下，在马克思主义传入中国的影响下，在 中国共产党和党领导的工会与工人阶级进行的伟大斗争实践中产生、形成和发展的。它百年的演进及其成果， 既是马克思主义理论包括其中的工运理论中国化的过程和成果，也是党和党所领导的工会、工人阶级进行伟大 探索和奋斗的过程和成果。这一理论成果极大地丰富和发展了马克主义理论包括工运理论的宝库，为工会和工 人阶级提供了新的理论武装。这一探索和奋斗还将继续进行下去，中国马克思主义工会理论必将在创新中走向 更高阶段，并以其强大的理论力量，照耀着新时代的工运在中国大地上演出生动活泼的景象。     

Navigating the dilemmas of politically smart,locally led development: the Pacific-based Green Growth Leaders’ Coalition

Abstract

Iterative approaches to development under banners such as ‘thinking and working politically’ and ‘doing development differently’ build upon decades-old commitments to fostering locally led and -owned development. These approaches are increasingly popular with academics and development practitioners. In this paper we argue that outsiders seeking to deliver locally led, politically smart programmes need to either accept that competing priorities, results and values will work to limit the extent of true local ownership, or be sufficiently committed to true local leadership to accept that this may well cut against organisational imperatives. Using the example of the Pacific-based Green Growth Leaders’ Coalition, we discuss how politically tricky partnerships challenge tenets of local leadership and ownership.     

Working Overtime in East Asia: Convergence or Divergence?

Working long hours has become a routinised part of life in East Asia. The different patterns of overtime across this region are understudied, however. This study represents a first systematic attempt to analyse overtime and its determinants in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and China by testing hypotheses that specify the distinctive influences of employment status and job contracts on work hours. Class exploitation, post-industrialism and flexibility theories are mobilised to identify distinctive but supplementary factors in long working hours. Using data from a recent four-country survey, a Tobit regression analysis of full-time workers’ hours reveals that employers and self-employed people work longer hours than hired workers across this region. Despite this convergence, there is a contrast across occupations. In Japan, overtime is positively associated with occupational prestige, while a reverse pattern operates in China, where low-skilled workers work more overtime. Contract workers in the private sector in South Korea and China also have longer overtime when compared to public sector employees. In sum, this study highlights more divergence than convergence of working conditions within East Asia.     

Do Russian research universities have a secret mission? a response to Forrat

This paper challenges the central claim of Natalia Forrat’s article that university support programs under Putin targeted the suppression of anti-regime student mobilization. Empirical evidence, both on the national-policy level and on the level of higher education institutions, suggests that the government introduced support programs in order to establish a research capacity at Russian flagship universities and to develop a more competitive national science system. The low level of students’ political engagement can rather be attributed to the outdated structures of student representation, inherited from the Soviet period.