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王勇 《现代法学》2011,33(3):142-150
长期以来,中美两国对于中美三个联合公报的法律性质存在着极大的争议:中国认为中美三个联合公报是有拘束力的条约,美国却否认这一点。这种争议的结果既严重损害了中美三个联合公报的权威性,更严重阻碍了中美关系的正常发展。根据国际条约法的基本原则和基本理论,特别是从条约的基本特征、美国国内法关于条约的定性、三个联合公报的履约情况等方面进行的深入分析表明,中美三个联合公报确定无疑是有拘束力的条约。基于此,中国政府应该积极寻求维护中美三个联合公报权威性及其条约性质的法律对策。  相似文献   
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The aim of this article is to show the scope and limitations of regulatory governance as a project of political modernization in Mexico—a project formally designed to foster greater inclusion in decision‐making processes. To do so, I present empirical evidence from case studies of consultative bodies in four regulatory domains: the use of transgenic seeds; the regulation of telecommunications; the restriction of junk food in schools; and the control of carbon emissions from automobiles. Influencing the economic, social, and political interests of a wide variety of stakeholders (from consumers to big business and government), these decision‐making processes constituted a “living laboratory” through which to assess the effectiveness of institutional innovations designed to put regulatory governance into practice. Ultimately, this article contributes to understanding the challenges of a project of political modernization in Mexico, a project launched in the 1980s that still has not achieved its institutional strengthening mission of improving mechanisms of participatory democracy.  相似文献   
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Regional public affairs will become more complex when contradictions emerge between administrative boundaries and policy issues that require cross-boundary collaboration. Breaking administrative boundaries has become a prerequisite for facilitating inter-local government collaboration. This study categorizes governance boundaries into the administrative boundary and the ecology-based policy boundary and then examines how these two governance boundaries and their interactive relationship contribute to the intergovernmental collaboration network in China's regional atmospheric governance (RAG). Using data on the atmospheric governance collaboration from 30 cities in the Yangtze River Delta region from 2013 to 2018, we employ the MR-QAP model to find that cities within the same administrative boundary are more likely to collaborate and cities within the ecology-based policy boundary, compared with those beyond, are more likely to collaborate but with a lagging effect. Ecology-based policy boundary has a positive but lagging moderating effect on the contribution of the administrative boundary to the formation of intergovernmental collaboration networks.  相似文献   
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刘凝是清初江西的儒学家,天主教徒,宋元之际著名学者刘壎之后裔,编撰了17世纪中文天主教书籍序跋集《天学集解》。马若瑟是康熙年间来华传教士,耶稣会“中国索隐派”的重要代表,传教士中的汉学大家。马若瑟在江西传教时,与刘凝结下深厚友谊。刘凝在小学考据方面的治学风格影响了马若瑟对中国语言与经典的研究。通过考证刘凝与马若瑟的学术交往,重点分析两人在基督信仰、治学方法与经学研究几个方面相互影响的关系,可以揭示出身处文化夹缝之中的儒家基督徒与来华传教士,如何诠释中国的文本和思想,弥合中西文化之差异。  相似文献   
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在17世纪法国学者了解和研究中国哲学的过程中,有三本书值得关注:一是1642年出版的拉莫特·勒瓦耶的《论异教徒的道德》,认为孔子和苏格拉底在哲学史上的地位相同,但孔子对中国的影响比苏格拉底对西方的影响更大,由儒家领导的中国乃是柏拉图“哲学王”理想的实现;二是费内隆在1687—1689年撰写的《死者的对话》,其中有一篇题为《苏格拉底与孔子的对话》,论述了苏格拉底与孔子的思想分歧,既不同意把孔子比作中国的苏格拉底,也完全不相信孔子的“圣王”理想或柏拉图的“哲学王”理想具有哲学学理上的合理性和实现的可能性;三是1696年出版的李明(勒孔德)的《中国近事报道》,该书不再将孔子与苏格拉底对举,而是把他比作古罗马斯多葛派哲学家、一位致力于培养“哲学王”式的统治者却并不成功的“帝王师”塞涅卡,并认为在研究中国哲学时应把孔子思想与宋明理学区分开来。这三部文献在一定程度上反映了17世纪法国思想界对中国哲学认识的过程。  相似文献   
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In this article the importance of comparative analysis is explored as a tool of understanding for Latin American reality, through the identification of some problem axes that dominated the Latin American socio-political thought during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Specifically, we focus on the second half of the last century, when, from a historical and sociological perspective, these axes appear reformulated in the work of authors like Sergio Bagú, Antonio Garcia, and Fernando H. Cardoso, through concepts such as “commercial capitalism”, “situations of dependency”, and “agrarian reform”  相似文献   
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Since 1979, while U.S. congressional members have consistently tried to stepup support for Taiwan, American presidents, irrespective of Republicans or Democrats, have acted circumspectly to follow the U.S. One‐China policy, lest more obtrusive backing of the island would heighten Chinese nationalism and damage Sino‐American relationship. The Donald Trump administration’s greater tilt toward Taipei suggests a growing convergence between the executive and legislative branches in elevating U.S.‐Taiwan ties. Though Trump’s fickle styles have generated unpredictability, his administration team has strived to keep a steady stance on Washington’s relations with Beijing and Taipei. The U.S. One‐China policy is creative and elastic, which could be constricted or stretched, depending on the changing strategic circumstances and the needs of American national security. The United States has an interest to enlarge the scope and depth of cooperation with Taipei in the Indo‐Pacific region to cope with a more powerful and assertive PRC.  相似文献   
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沈广明 《河北法学》2020,38(4):88-102
实定法所确立的中央与地方立法权限的划分标准尚有缺陷,不能适应各地方因地制宜的治理需求。已有学理研究成果过于"重技术"而"轻理论",缺乏深层次的价值指引,难以回应以上现实困境。公共服务理论为解决央地立法权限的划分问题提供了全新视角。在公共服务理论下,国家长久执政的正当性前提在于向人民提供良好的公共服务,国家行使立法权的目的在于组织公共服务,央地立法权限的划分同样应以公共服务为中心。中央立法的定位系制定为提供公共服务所设置国家机构、组织、制度等内容的框架性法律和部分直接规范公共服务的组织、运行的细则性法律,地方立法则系制定细则性法律。央地之间细则性立法事项的权限划分应当以"便利服务"为标准。  相似文献   
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