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41.
我们对于传统中医药知识产权的保护多从私权出发,从而忽视了国家在这一领域内应起的作用。本文试图说明国家在中医药知识产权国际保护中的地位应该得到加强,并且在不违背其所承担的国际义务的前提下,可以通过强化其外部贸易政策来实现这一目的。 相似文献
42.
损伤皮肤中白三烯B_4含量测定与损伤时间推断 总被引:1,自引:3,他引:1
本文作者利用高压液相色谱,快速检测大鼠皮肤切创创缘组织中白三烯B_4含量。结果发现,生前各损伤时间组创缘中白三烯B_4含量明显升高,且在1小时内与损伤时间有一定线性关系;死后损伤标本未见白三烯B_4含量升高。由此表明白三烯B_4含量测定,对推断生前1小时内的损伤时间有重要价值。高压液相色谱能快速、准确地检测损伤组织中的白三烯B_4。 相似文献
43.
大湄公河次地区合作的国际政治经济学分析 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
大湄公河次地区(GMS)合作是澜沧江-湄公河流域相关国家及省区之间的地区性合作机制,是东南亚乃至东亚范围之内地区主义发展的一种表现。本文在简要介绍有关概念及理论的基础上,从国家和市场这一国际政治经济学的角度,对GMS的特点及其定位进行分析,然后重点讨论了GMS发展过程中面临的问题。文章认为,国家和市场的作用及其互动,直接决定和制约着GMS的性质和发展。 相似文献
44.
海峡两岸的产业合作自20世纪80年代后期从传统产业起步,90年代以后步入高科技产业,在2005年连、宋访问大陆后又涉入农业与旅游业,那么下一个重点领域在哪里呢?笔者以为当在教育产业。从两所暨大发展的比较可看到两岸教育产业的广阔互补空间及双赢合作前景,而一切人为设限的“逆势操作”都终将被证明是不智且徒劳。 相似文献
45.
Tracy Yandle 《Policy Sciences》2006,39(3):249-278
Co-management, in which government and resource users share responsibility for managing a natural resource, is attracting considerable attention in both public policy and common pool resource research. However, little is understood about how this approach arises in a mature regulatory setting, or about its strengths and weaknesses. This study uses the experience of the New Zealand rock lobster (Jasus edwardsii and Sagmariasus verreauxi) industry to illustrate what co-management is and how it develops. This is followed by an assessment of co-management in this regime. Development of co-management is an evolutionary process that requires commitment from both government and industry. Strengthened property rights and management expertise provide the incentives and tools to develop a robust co-management regime. However the characteristics of the property rights bundle must be carefully matched to the regime’s biological, social, and regulatory setting. 相似文献
46.
Mordecai Lee 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2002,2(2):33-43
Public reporting is a requirement for public affairs practitioners in public administration because of the democratic context in which government operates. By reporting to the public‐at‐large on agency activities, government agencies contributed to an informed citizenry, the essential foundation of a democracy. For public affairs in business administration and non‐profit administration, public reporting is desirable rather than mandatory. Public reporting was traditionally accomplished indirectly, through news media coverage of government. However, recent research suggests a diminution of interest by the media in fulfilling its role as an instrument of democracy. This means that the public reporting obligation of public affairs professionals in public administration needs to shift to direct reporting, through such products as annual reports, newsletters, TV programmes, Internet websites etc. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
47.
顾行超 《中央社会主义学院学报》2002,(4):29-33
新世纪朗月风清的统战形势容易使人滋生激进主义思潮。本文在略陈现实与历史的激进主义思潮 ,剖析其成因的基础上 ,不揣浅陋地提出自觉消除激进主义思潮的一些新思考 ,以求正于方家。 相似文献
48.
Abstract This study aims to explore parents’ lived experiences of receiving child neglect allegations and how they make sense of these experiences. The sample consists of parents who participated in a family preservation program following allegations of child neglect. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). The findings suggest that parents resist neglect allegations, both by denial and minimization, partly due to their lack of clear understanding of what constitutes child neglect. Further, parents in this study tended to be reactive to meanings ascribed to the label of child neglect rather than the allegations per se. They seemed to experience internal conflict between their positive evaluations of their own parenting and what their neglect allegations might imply about their parenting. Parents also experienced emotional distress, such as concern about social stigma and fear of losing their parental rights, as they tried to make sense of their current situations. Suggested implications for practice include exploring parents’ subjective understanding of their allegations and considering their unique familial and sociocultural contexts from the outset of their involvement with child protective services (CPS) in order to build a collaborative working alliance. 相似文献
49.
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):79-98
ABSTRACTSince roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes. 相似文献
50.
Nil Mutluer 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):99-118
ABSTRACTThis article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions. 相似文献