武汉汉族人群STR基因座D3S1358、D13S317、D12S391的多态性研究

目的　调查中国武汉地区汉族人群STR基因座—D3S1 358、D1 3S31 7、D1 2S391基因频率分布和群体遗传数据。方法　从 2 0 8个汉族无关个体收集血液标本 ,应用PCR技术及聚丙烯酰胺凝胶垂直板电泳对D3S1 358、D1 3S31 7和D1 2S391基因座分型。结果　D3S1 358检出 7个等位基因和 4 1个基因型。三基因座基因型分布符合Hardy-Weinberg平衡。观察 2 31次减数分裂均未发现突变基因。另外 ,调查结果计算显示D3S1 358、D1 3S31 7和D1 2S391基因座的杂合度 (H)分别为 0 70 98、 0 80 56和 0 84 0 0 ;三个人识别能力 (DP)分别为 0 851 6、 0 9332和 0 952 3;非父排除率 ( pE)分别为 0 4 463、 0 60 1 6和 0 681 8。结论　D3S1 358、D1 3S31 7和D1 2S391基因座在群体遗传学研究和法医学亲子鉴定及个人识别中具有较高实用价值     

Hardening foreign corporate accountability through mandatory due diligence in the European Union? New trends and persisting challenges

The negative externalities of global commodity chains and existing governance gaps have received wide scholarly attention. Indeed, many sectors including forest-risk commodities (FRCs) like soy and beef from Brazil remain largely unregulated. This article analyzes ongoing policy-making processes at European Union level to adopt new regulations for reducing accountability gaps: one regulation of FRCs and one general, cross-sectoral directive on human rights and environmental due diligence. This article draws on and aims to contribute to previous research into foreign corporate accountability, therein analytically distinguishing between input, output, and surrogate accountability. This study shows that new policies will likely be more comprehensive than previous supply chain regulations, while their specific institutional design and stringency are highly contested. More in general, we argue that for hardening corporate accountability, due diligence politics will need to confront important governance challenges that have limited the potential of previous regulations, such as a lack of consequentiality of reporting obligations, weak state monitoring, limited stakeholder involvement, and difficulties to establish legal liability.     

牦牛舌抗菌肽基因cDNA的克隆及其在生殖系统中的表达

为了解牦牛舌抗菌肽(LAP)基因序列的特征及其在生殖系统中的表达情况,采用RT-PCR法从牦牛睾丸、附睾组织中扩增LAP基因,重组到pMD19-TSimple载体中,进行了测序和序列分析,并应用RT-PCR检测了雌性牦牛生殖系统(卵巢、输卵管、子宫、阴道等组织)中LAPmRNA的表达。结果显示,克隆的LAP基因包含一195bp的完整开放阅读框(ORF),与牛LAP基因相似性达97.9%,该ORF编码的64个氨基酸含有β-防御素特征性结构,即6个在特定位置上的保守半胱氨酸残基;LAP在牦牛生殖系统上皮组织中均有表达。推测LAP在牦牛生殖系统的先天免疫中具有重要作用。     

中药富硒酵母对闽中麻鸡肝和小肠细微结构的影响

选择1日龄闽中麻鸡396只,随机分为4组,A组饲喂玉米-豆粕型基础日粮,B组、C组、D组在基础日粮中分别添加2、3、4 g/kg的中药富硒酵母,试验为期49 d,研究了日粮中添加中药富硒酵母对闽中麻鸡肝和小肠发育的影响.于第7、21、35、49 d每组随机抽取6只鸡,采取肝和小肠各段,Bouin液固定,制作石蜡切片,光镜观察;第49 d取A组和D组的肝和空肠,25 mL/L戊二醛固定,制作超薄切片,电镜观察.结果显示,与对照组相比,试验组肝的平均质量和器官指数大多高于对照组;肝细胞线粒体增多增大,枯否氏细胞内溶酶体增多;小肠绒毛和肠腺长于A组;空肠柱状细胞的微绒毛增长.证实,基础日粮中添加中药富硒酵母能促进鸡肝和小肠的发育,改善肝细胞和小肠黏膜的细微结构.     

Contemporary Compulsory Dispersal and the Absence of Space for the Restoration of Trust

This paper investigates the issue of trust, or mistrust, specificallyin relation to single adult asylum seekers and asylum seekerfamilies compulsorily dispersed across England. It draws upondoctoral research on the social exclusion of asylum seekersas a result of dispersal and their separation from mainstreamwelfare provision due to the creation of the National AsylumSupport Service (NASS) following the Immigration and AsylumAct 1999. Trust is an ambiguous term and four forms of trustare delineated to assist conceptualizing the experience of forcedmigration: social, political, institutional and restorativetrust. This paper provides an overview of the aims and eachphase of the implementation of dispersal. It is argued thatthe dispersal system leaves little room for political or institutionaltrust to be restored and hinders the restoration of social trust.It is suggested that this lack of space for the restorationof trust has negative implications for the longer term resettlementprocess of asylum seekers who obtain refugee status. It is alsosuggested that trust is an essential component of UK governmentpolicies promoting social or community cohesion, community engagementand initiatives to combat trafficking, forced marriage and ‘honour’based violence and that mistrust of asylum seekers as a groupdirectly contradicts such policies and initiatives.     

Britain's Oddest Election?

Fringe political parties did well in the European Parliament elections in June 2005. The British National party won their first seats; altogether, four in ten British voters supported a party not represented in the House of Commons at Westminster. YouGov questioned more than 32,000 electors at the time of the election, in order to find out who voted for each party and why: the sample was big enough to enable robust analysis to be done on the BNP, UKIP and Green vote, as well as the supporters of Labour, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats. YouGov's findings show that there was disillusionment with the traditional main parties, and fears for the future, that were felt by voters across the political spectrum, and not just the supporters of the fringe parties.     

Joint sector reviews—M&E experiments in an era of changing aid modalities: Experiences from JSRs in the education sectors of Burkina Faso,Mali and Niger

Aid policy and practice have been thoroughly shaken up over the past few years. One of the reform areas relates to monitoring and evaluation (M&E). In short, aid recipients are asked to elaborate result‐oriented frameworks while donors are expected to harmonise and align their policies and frameworks. This article examines the extent to which joint sector reviews (JSRs) could take the M&E reform agenda forward. JSRs are M&E exercises at the sector level which have the potential to satisfy the M&E needs of various stakeholders while, at the same time, also contributing to the M&E reform agenda. They are increasingly utilised on the ground, yet, so far, there do not exist any systematic stocktakings and/or analyses of them. Our own analysis of a sample of JSRs from the education sectors of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger indicate that JSRs score highly on harmonisation, coordination, leadership and broad‐based participation, but poorly on alignment. They generally prioritise accountability over learning needs and largely neglect accountability and learning at the level of the sector institutional apparatus. In this article, findings from the field are contrasted with insights from evaluation theory and practice so as to provide suggestions for on the ground JSR improvements. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

European Climate Policy: Toward Centralized Governance?

The EU emissions trading system (ETS) is the first large-scale international emissions trading system and a "cornerstone" in EU climate policy. A key element in the ETS implementation process is deciding upon the ceiling ("cap") for the emissions included in the ETS. Over time, a significant change and centralization of this model has taken place. In order to understand this development, we need to acknowledge the increasing acceptance of stronger centralized governance among the member states due to ETS pilot phase problems; take into consideration frustration in the European Commission over complex and differing National Allocation Plans; and add the fact that the Kyoto Protocol target was getting nearer and a good performance of the "flagship" ETS was becoming increasingly important. Hence, although the case supports the importance of acknowledging the multilevel character of the EU, it still emphasizes the key role of changes in member states' interests and positions for understanding outcomes.