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81.
82.
《Asian Politics & Policy》2017,9(2):289-309
By employing role theory, this article shall argue that changes in Malaysia's national role conceptions from Mahathir to Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak have contributed to the improvement of Malaysia‐Singapore relations in recent years. Under Mahathir, Malaysia's national role conception as a “close and important neighbor” to Singapore accentuated a “senior‐junior” distinction between Malaysia and Singapore. This led to a clash of national roles between Malaysia and Singapore and resulted in bilateral contentions. For Badawi and Najib, Malaysia is also a close and important neighbor to Singapore. However, both leaders have reconceptualized Malaysia's national role conception into an “important and symbiotic partner” to de‐emphasize Singapore as a negative “historical and significant other,” and promote cooperation to improve bilateral relations. Malaysia's additional role as an ASEAN member complements its symbiotic partnership with Singapore. 相似文献
83.
《Asian Politics & Policy》2017,9(1):99-121
The article discusses the postcolonial (i.e. post‐Soviet) transformations that have occurred among Central Siberia's indigenous groups. Ethnic identification processes among the Central Siberian Evenks, in particular, were on the rise during the Soviet period. The ethnic communities of Evenkia are now undergoing active stratification, with the emergence of a political elite known as “professional aborigines.” This political elite is more likely to include people with mixed backgrounds residing in urbanized settlements rather than pure Evenks living a nomadic lifestyle. “Professional aborigines” have clearly identifiable economic interests characteristic of the post‐Soviet market economy, including high corruption rates identified with so‐called “state capture.” 相似文献
84.
《Asian Politics & Policy》2017,9(2):202-221
South Korea undergoes frequent and large‐scale government reorganizations (GRs) that have generated social, administrative, and political problems; all of these have negative impacts on the quality of democracy by lowering people's satisfaction with their government. This article critically reviews past literature's major discussions on the quality of democracy and argues that well‐performing democratic governance that not only secures democratic principles but also develops governments’ ability to perform well is required for the enhancement of democratic quality. Drawing insight from the Centripetal Democratic Governance perspective, this article defines the core principles of this governance model as institutional consistency, authority, and inclusion, and analyzes key features of Korea's GR, focusing on the science and technology administration system. The research results show that the features not only align directly with the problems engendered by frequent GR but also go against the core principles of well‐performing democratic governance. Last, this article addresses the policy and theoretical implications of this finding. 相似文献
85.
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87.
Sailer 《Juristische Bl?tter》2007,129(12):780-783
Auch Zuwendungen an Privatstiftungen k?nnen nach ganz herrschender Meinung Schenkungen iSd § 785 ABGB sein, selbst wenn die
Zuwendung zugleich mit dem einmaligen Stiftungsakt erfolgt. Im Schutz vor einer Wertvernichtung durch Verm?gensverteilung
liegt keine Rechtfertigung dafür, das – bei Schaffung des PSG unangetastet gebliebene – Pflichtteilsrecht mit Hilfe einer
Stiftung "auszuhebeln". Unabh?ngig davon, welcher der in der Literatur vertretenen Meinungen zur Nichtausl?sung der Zwei-Jahres-Frist
des § 785 Abs 3 Satz 2 ABGB im Einzelnen gefolgt würde, bewirkt der Umstand, dass in der Stiftungserkl?rung ein umfassender
?nderungsvorbehalt zugunsten des Stifters und ein Widerrufsvorbehalt des Stifters vorgesehen sind (wobei beide Vorbehalte
auch für Stiftungszusatzurkunden gelten), dass dem Stifter noch so wesentliche Einflussm?glichkeiten auf das Stiftungsverm?gen
verbleiben, dass das von § 785 ABGB geforderte Verm?gensopfer noch nicht als erbracht anzusehen ist. Auf eine Umgehungsabsicht
kommt es nicht an. 相似文献
88.
赵晓琳 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2008,1(6):70-75
八七会议是一次有充分思想准备和组织准备的紧急会议。八七会议具有四个特殊性：局势极其险恶,代表身份多样,会期非常短暂,即定方针会前先行。八七会议的特殊性造成了它的局限性。八七会议是中国共产党加强自身建设、不断完善自我的一次重要实践。 相似文献
89.
Recent work has applied the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) to examine narrative strategies in policy debates on social media platforms. We contribute to the literature by applying the NPF to fracking policy debates in New York using well-established Natural Language Processing tools, including sentiment analysis. We combine this computational approach with a qualitative hand-coding of pro- and antifracking Twitter influentials. This approach allows us to consider a much larger corpus of tweets over a much longer time frame than has been done thus far. We adapt and test NPF propositions related to the use of the devil/angel shift strategies before and after a major state-wide policy change, that is, a state-wide moratorium on high volume hydraulic fracturing or fracking. Overall, we find evidence for the use of the devil shift narrative strategy by the pro-fracking coalition aimed at the Governor prior to the moratorium. After the moratorium, the relative percentage of Tweets containing devil shift sentiments decreases as the pro-fracking coalition generally downshifts in its use of angel shift language without a corresponding increase in devil shift language, whereas, conversely, the anti-fracking coalition generally downshifts in its use of devil shift language without a general increase in angel shift language. When we shifted our analysis to Tweets containing fracking and the Governor, we found a similar postban decrease in devil shift language among anti-fracking users. Our findings offer lessons for using computational tools in the NPF as an approach to expand analytic ability and for the operationalization of concepts such as narrative strategies and policy entrepreneurs. 相似文献
90.
《Science & justice》2022,62(6):749-757
In recent years, students in police academies and higher education institutions around the world have worked together to analyse cold cases including long-term missing persons cases in collaboration with investigators and prosecutors. In 2020, three European organisations, the Police Expert Network on Missing Persons (PEN-MP), AMBER Alert Europe and Locate International, succeeded in connecting these educational organisations enabling them to work collectively on cases and conduct cold case analyses (CCA) across international borders. The International Cold Case Analysis Project (ICCAP) learning objectives were to 1) collect the necessary information about the victim, 2) reconstruct the crime, and 3) investigate trace control.In a learning objective-based evaluation using Computer-Assisted Web Interviewing, 76 participating students from the German and International ICCAP teams were asked to complete a pre- and post-review questionnaire to self-assess their personal competence development. Participants reported significant increases in competence in all evaluated areas, thus demonstrating that authentic and relevant collaborations can enrich the learning environment, promote the use of professional skills, and provide significant knowledge exchange opportunities between academia and industry.Drawing on case studies of cold case missing persons' investigations and unidentified found remains, this article shares how university academics, students and community volunteers can work together nationally and internationally to find out what has happened to missing people and how we can more effectively identify the previously unidentified. In so doing, we share the expertise required to progress these cold cases and provide recommendations to support other institutions and organisations in adopting this innovative approach. 相似文献