全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1478篇 |
免费 | 81篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 33篇 |
工人农民 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 16篇 |
外交国际关系 | 168篇 |
法律 | 993篇 |
中国共产党 | 20篇 |
中国政治 | 44篇 |
政治理论 | 120篇 |
综合类 | 160篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 8篇 |
2022年 | 11篇 |
2021年 | 24篇 |
2020年 | 54篇 |
2019年 | 58篇 |
2018年 | 53篇 |
2017年 | 19篇 |
2016年 | 22篇 |
2015年 | 24篇 |
2014年 | 37篇 |
2013年 | 45篇 |
2012年 | 61篇 |
2011年 | 52篇 |
2010年 | 49篇 |
2009年 | 181篇 |
2008年 | 262篇 |
2007年 | 301篇 |
2006年 | 68篇 |
2005年 | 43篇 |
2004年 | 30篇 |
2003年 | 33篇 |
2002年 | 34篇 |
2001年 | 23篇 |
2000年 | 23篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1559条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
41.
42.
43.
大学英语评估系统的现状及改革建议 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
当前的大学英语教学评估系统包括三个子系统:基础阶段结束时的四、六级英语考试;各学期期末的学业考试;社会对大学生英语综合能力的需求和评价。但是,由于许多学校和用人单位都把四、六级考试作为考核的终极标准,导致现在的大学英语教学整个只是围绕四、六级考试进行,而四、六级考试本身又存在许多问题,造成了一种恶性循环;各学期期末的学业考试失去了其本身的意义,只是一种四、六级考试的模拟;学生也缺乏适当的途径去了解社会对英语运用能力的实际需求。这三个子系统对大学英语的教学产生了严重的负面反拨效应,要想对大学英语进行改革,首先就要从评估系统着手。 相似文献
44.
山木集团前总裁宋山木强奸案向我们提出了被追诉人有无权利要求测谎的问题。只要在刑事诉讼中允许使用测谎技术,无论是允许其作为证据使用还是仅仅将其作为审查判断证据的手段,被追诉人单方面向法院申请测谎,实质上均是一种试图向法院澄清事实真相的诉讼证明行为。被追诉人的测谎权是一种相对权,而非绝对权。鉴于我国目前的现实情况,测谎只能作为审查判断言词证据的方法,尚不能作为独立的证据适用,因此法院是否批准被追诉人的测谎申请,应以有测谎之必要为前提。 相似文献
45.
Katō Norihiro 《Japan Forum》2020,32(3):318-337
AbstractThis article investigates a problem that has been underexamined in Murakami scholarship so far, namely what I will call tatemashi (stacking), a method of novel-writing which Murakami Haruki used twice in his career, first in Nejimakidori Kuronikuru and later in 1Q84. In both cases, Murakami first published a shorter, two-volume version, but later stacked up the novel with a third volume. This article studies the various problems surrounding this writing method. I suggest that edits during the translation process of the two novels into English have made it impossible to detect why tatemashi was carried out. By studying the Japanese versions, I identify that a main reason for tatemashi to happen is the thrust of a storyline that calls for the development of a ‘smaller-scale’ story of personal self-discovery into a ‘larger-scale’ tale of commitment to an ‘other’. 相似文献
46.
Gonzalo Ordez‐Matamoros Michelle Vernot‐Lpez Ornella Moreno‐Mattar Luis Antonio Orozco 《政策研究评论》2020,37(2):174-200
International research collaboration (IRC) is associated with both positive and negative effects on the performance of research in emerging economies. While some authors claim that North–South collaborations improve scientific quality and visibility for Southern countries, others claim that it may entail the reorientation of research to comply with Northern agendas. South–South collaborations are thought to increase the focus on local affairs, therefore leading to a relatively small number of scientific international publications appearing in “high quality” journals. Research on the impact of IRC beyond publications in international journals has been neglected despite the importance of other products in knowledge creation. This research uses a broad range of scientific outputs to empirically assess such assumptions and explore the outcomes of IRC in Colombia. Results from multivariate regressions and nonparametric analyses show that, contrary to common assumptions, Colombian research teams collaborating with partners from the global South report higher scientific production, while those collaborating with Northern countries seem to contribute to local knowledge the most. 相似文献
47.
Saatvika Rai 《政策研究评论》2020,37(4):444-463
The United States is experiencing growing impacts of climate change but currently receives a limited policy response from its national leadership. Within this policy void, many state governments are stepping up and taking action on adaptation planning. Yet we know little about why some states adopt State Adaptation Plans (SAPs), while others do not. This article investigates factors that predict the emergence of SAPs, both in terms of policy adoption and policy intensity (goal ambitiousness). Applying the diffusion of innovation theory, I consider the relative influence of internal state characteristics, regional pressures, and test for conditional effects between government ideologies and severity of the problem. The results show interesting differences between predictors that influence policy adoption and ambitiousness. States are more motivated to adopt a policy when faced with greater climate vulnerability, have more liberal citizenry, and where governments have crossed policy hurdles by previously passing mitigation plans. The intensity of policies and goal setting, moreover, is more likely to be driven by interest group politics and diffuse through policy learning or sharing information among neighboring states in Environmental Protection Agency regions. These findings support an emerging scholarship that uses more complex dependent variables in policy analysis. These variables have the potential to differentiate symbolic from substantive policies and capture finer information about predictors of importance. 相似文献
48.
Members of parliament are key actors for the implementation of energy transitions, such as phasing out nuclear power. Before legislators can cast their maybe decisive vote in parliament, they need to run for office and actively strive for election. This paper assesses what political candidates oppose renewable energy transitions and questions whether the energy issue matters in national elections, and thus has consequences for the implementation of new sustainable energy sources. We analyze these questions by first describing the specific characteristics of political candidates. The paper then evaluates the relevance of the energy issue for electoral success in three national elections in Switzerland (2007, 2012, and 2015). Based on candidate data from the voting advice application smartvote.ch, we find that female candidates support ETs more than men do; that especially the French‐speaking part of the country is more in favor of a nuclear phase‐out, and that younger candidates are also more open toward restructuring the energy system than older candidates are. Our models further show that the energy issue does not matter in elections, independently from its salience in the respective election campaigns. Candidates are thus relatively free to choose their position on the issue and do not have to fear consequences at the ballot. However, candidates of center parties, in contrast to the pole parties, are sensitive to the energy issue and reflect public mood in their positions. 相似文献
49.
This article characterizes the ways in which the actors in charge of designing and implementing public policies intervene to promote the emergence of alternatives to problematic technologies. It is based on a case study conducted in Argentina that focuses on initiatives to promote the development of biological agricultural inputs in the context of increasingly controversial chemical inputs. The study spotlights the political, institutional, and semantic efforts made by policy makers and public administrations to ensure these new inputs find their way into organizations and onto their agendas. Their work consists in attenuating the boundaries between chemical and biological inputs, and reducing opposition by creating categories and organizations that downplay potential dissension and highlight the possible coexistence of technological paradigms. Contrary to what the injunctions of technological substitution suggest, we show that putting alternative technologies on the public agenda depends largely on their inclusion in institutional and regulatory infrastructures originally designed for technologies that are likely to decline. More broadly, it relies on the construction of continuity between the two types of technologies. 相似文献
50.
Understanding what stimulates agribusiness firms to lobby the government and what makes the government responsive to lobbying are the two issues that have been discussed extensively in the debates concerning determinants of biotechnology policy. This paper examines the factors influencing agribusiness firms' lobbying and government response using econometric modeling on a new data set of 160 leading agribusiness firms in the food, feed, chemical, and seed industries in China. The results show that approximately 10% of agribusiness firms lobbied the government about biotechnology policy and regulations and over half of those that lobbied received a verbal or written acknowledgment from government agencies. Seed and feed companies are more likely to engage in lobbying than chemical companies. Owning GM patents not only has a positive impact on firms' lobbying activities, but firms with these patents are more likely to receive a government response to their lobbying efforts. The experience of selling GM products does not significantly influence lobbying activities or response from the government. 相似文献