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111.
在刑法的解释与适用上,存在着形式的刑法解释论与实质的刑法解释论之争。形式的刑法解释论主张对刑罚法规进行字面的、形式的、逻辑的解释,实质的刑法解释论主张对刑罚法规进行实质的、价值的、合目的的解释。实质的刑法解释论是对形式的刑法解释论的扬弃,它不仅与刑法规范的特点、结构、内容相一致,具有方法论意义上的合理性,而且满足了我国刑事法治目标与罪刑法定原则兼具形式侧面与实质侧面的要求,适应了我国犯罪概念与犯罪构成体系形式与实质相统一的特点,具有优越的合理性。我国刑法应确立与贯彻实质的刑法解释论立场。 相似文献
112.
构建中国和谐社会,一个迫切的任务就是要理顺分配关系,协调好各阶层的利益关系。垄断行业的高工资高福利有违起码的社会公正,不利于社会各阶层间的和谐,必须通过政府规制的改革对垄断行业的不合理利益加以调节,以促进中国和谐社会的建设。 相似文献
113.
牟笛 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2007,19(4):72-75
由于美国法典28卷1404(a)条款的立法规定在功能与措辞上均非常类似普通法上的非方便法院原则,因此很多学者误以为该立法规定与非方便法院原则之间并不存在实质性的差异。然而,这一看法并不正确。事实上,1404(a)条款立法在法律效果、证明标准以及具体适用方面均与非方便法院原则存在显著的区别。 相似文献
114.
敦煌吐鲁番借贷契约的抵赦条款与国家对民间债负的赦免——唐宋时期民间高利贷与国家控制的博弈 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
霍存福 《甘肃政法学院学报》2007,(2):1-11
敦煌吐鲁番借贷契约中的"公私债负停征,此物不在停限"、"后有恩赦,不在免限"等抵赦条款,是民间社会对抗国家赦免私债的契约表现.始于北魏时期的国家对私债的赦免,针对的是"偿利过本,翻改券契"等民间高利贷行为;唐、五代及南宋、元初赦令,延续了这个传统.这一赦免初衷,也波及到无息借贷,致使抵赦条款也出现在无息借贷契约中,反映了民间防御意识的加强.契约中的抵赦条款的反复出现与国家免除民间债负赦令的频繁发布,反映了民间高利贷与国家控制的长时间博弈.明清时,国家不再以赦令形式免除私债,契约中的抵赦条款也随即消失. 相似文献
115.
白静 《黑龙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2007,(1):89-92
品格证据在质疑证人可信性的刑事审判中具有很大的运用空间.人类长期的观察和经验表明,人类行为具有重复性和模式化的特征,因此判断证人行为的一个重要标志就是证人的品格.品格证据是指能够证明某些诉讼参与人品格或品格特征的证据,关涉到某人的道德品质和是非评价,应用到司法实践中,就是通过运用品格证据证明证人是否具有可信性来佐证案件的其他证据,帮助法官查明案情,准确断案,保障诉讼活动公平、公正地进行. 相似文献
116.
This study examined the relationship between limited English proficiency status, and internalizing and externalizing behaviors
among a sample of Latino/a children (N = 2,840) from the US Department of Education’s Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten (ECLS-K) data set. Results
of cross sectional regression and hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) analyses suggest that there is a positive relationship
between limited English proficiency and externalizing symptoms, particularly by third grade. Additionally, sex and place of
birth also helped to explain externalizing behaviors at various time points in the models. Place of birth and family poverty
were significantly associated with internalizing symptoms. Implications for future research and interventions related to internalizing
and externalizing behavior among the Latino/a school aged population are discussed.
Beverly Araújo Dawson is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work at Adelphi University, New York. She received her doctoral and master’s degree from the University of Michigan and a B.A. in psychology from Hunter College. Her research interests focus on the impact of psychosocial stressors on the mental health of Latino/a immigrants. Sheara Williams is an assistant professor in the Graduate College of Social Work at the University of Houston. She received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; an M.S.W. from Louisiana State University; and a B.S. from Southern University, A & M. Her research interests focus on psychosocial factors related to school behavior and academic achievement for poor and minority children. 相似文献
Sheara A. WilliamsEmail: |
Beverly Araújo Dawson is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work at Adelphi University, New York. She received her doctoral and master’s degree from the University of Michigan and a B.A. in psychology from Hunter College. Her research interests focus on the impact of psychosocial stressors on the mental health of Latino/a immigrants. Sheara Williams is an assistant professor in the Graduate College of Social Work at the University of Houston. She received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; an M.S.W. from Louisiana State University; and a B.S. from Southern University, A & M. Her research interests focus on psychosocial factors related to school behavior and academic achievement for poor and minority children. 相似文献
117.
Sebastian Eckardt 《公共行政管理与发展》2008,28(1):1-17
Why are some local governments more successful than others in managing resources and delivering services? And even more vitally, how can malfunctioning governments be reformed so that they perform their responsibilities more effectively? This article contributes to our understanding of theses overarching questions by exploring the interactions between political institutions and public sector performance in the context of decentralisation and local governance. It shows–both theoretically and empirically–that performance outcomes are determined by the extent to which people can hold their governments accountable through political institutions. The basic hypothesis underlying this research is that political accountability, either by encouraging sanctions upon non‐compliant public agents or simply by reducing the informational gap regarding government activities, will create forceful incentives for elected officials and civil servants to reduce opportunistic behaviour and improve performance. Using a cross‐sectional regression the hypothesis is empirically tested against evidence from newly empowered local governments in Indonesia. The empirical findings broadly support our hypotheses. Improved public services on the ground, both in terms of quantity and quality, require informed and well functioning decision‐making processes that allocate resources to priority areas that meet the demand of the broader community. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
118.
国有企业股份制改造后存在的主要问题可归结于在公司治理结构方面存在着重大缺陷。包装式的股份制改革不可能解决存在于公司治理结构间的根本问题。公司治理的核心是建立并完善激励监控机制。由于公司各相关利益主体的制约,造成国有企业股份制改造后公司治理中存在不少问题,要结合国有企业实际,完善股份制企业治理结构。 相似文献
119.
应用RT-PCR和nPCR扩增由4株甘肃省近期(1997-1998)猪瘟流行野毒株的E2基因,将其克隆到pGEMTEasy载体上,经转化、筛选、鉴定后,测出核苷核序列.4株流行毒株的E2基因核苷酸序列同源性为89.2%-99.7%,相应的氨基酸序列同源性为93.8%-99.0%.这4株流行毒株;与C-株(疫苗种毒)E2基因的核苷酸序列同源性为82.2%-84.3%,相应的氨基酸序列同源性为87.9%-90.2%,表明近期猪瘟流行毒株与C-株的gp55蛋白之间存在一定的差异. 相似文献
120.
Stevo Đurašković 《Nationalities Papers》2016,44(5):772-788
Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tu?man, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Usta?a and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Usta?a has been linked to Tu?man’s national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Usta?a successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Usta?a. Hence, this article will present how “Usta?a-nostalgia” does not stem from Tu?man’s intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tu?man’s nation-building idea. Namely, Tu?man’s condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Usta?a-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tu?man Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics. 相似文献