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331.
332.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(1):12-30
Making policy is giving a meaning to objects. This perspective on policy making gained importance in the 1990s with the emergence of discursive approaches. In this article, we use the concepts of Hajer's discourse coalition approach to shed light on the evolving meaning of maize in Mexican society. Specifically, we trace a parallel between the evolution of biotechnology policy and discourses on maize over a 25‐year period. The article argues that until recently, the protection against biotechnological manipulations enjoyed by maize has been bolstered by a discourse granting the plant a special status in the country's history. However, the emergence of a new discourse grounded on the practice of scientific excellence is now challenging the old perspectives, and also finding support among government officials. As a result, the Mexican policies granting maize special protection is changing, and this policy change will likely trigger changes in the symbolic meaning of maize. 相似文献
333.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(5):691-716
This paper investigates the landscape of state‐level adaptation planning in the United States. We answer three primary research questions: First, how are states planning for climate change? Second, who are states targeting for climate adaptation? Third, what tools are states using to motivate climate adaptation efforts? We develop and implement a coding scheme using Schneider and Ingram’s Social Construction Framework (SCF) to characterize variation in 2033 individual adaptation goals mentioned in all 14 American states with explicit adaptation plans. We use these data to understand the types of tools used to motivate different actors (governmental, private, nonprofit) to adapt to climate change. We find that the most frequent target of state adaptation planning is the state itself, which provides an opportunity to extend the SCF to a target group often not mentioned in public policy. Specifically, we find that states target themselves with mandates or tools designed to acquire information. Other stakeholders in adaptation are more likely to be the targets of capacity building tools. Private actors are the only population more likely to be targeted by incentives. The project expands the Social Construction Framework to include targets and tools of planning efforts. Practically, our article offers a methodology by which to compare the vastly heterogeneous efforts to adapt to climate change at the subnational level. 相似文献
334.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(5):670-690
In 2015, President Obama introduced the Clean Power Plan (CPP), a federal plan aimed at reducing the production of carbon pollution from power plants. In response, some used legal action to try and stop the plan, while others supported the plan and proceeded with plans for its implementation. This research investigates responses taken by state government in terms of legal remedies and planning for implementation, and what explains those responses. Findings suggest that partisanship plays a key role. Specifically, the partisanship of the attorney general is correlated with the legal response, and the governor with implementation planning. Coals, and perhaps renewables, also seem to play a role, even controlling for partisanship. There is only weak evidence for the effect of policy experience and none for the estimated cost of the policy. The article concludes by discussing the implications of these results for the future of climate policy in the United States. 相似文献
335.
336.
Ulrich Hartung 《政策研究评论》2020,37(1):92-114
In July 2018, the Court of Justice of the European Union decided that new plant breeding techniques (NPBTs) fall within the scope of the restrictive provisions on genetically modified organisms (GMOs). Previously, various actors had lobbied in order to influence the European Union’s (EU’s) regulatory decision on NPBTs. This study examines the venue choices taken by Cibus, a biotech company that promoted NPBT deregulation. It shows that the firm bypassed the EU level and that it lobbied competent authorities (CAs) in certain member states to gain support for the deregulation of NPBTs. Cibus chose the CAs because their institutional “closedness” reduced the risk of the debate over the deregulation of NPBTs becoming public. However, the CA’s specific competences and their influence on EU decision making were of likewise importance. The firm lobbied CAs based in Finland, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Spain, and the United Kingdom. Two factors appear to have influenced Cibus’ choices for these countries: high‐level political support for agribiotech and the high relevance of biotech sectors. In contrast, public support for GMOs turned out to have hardly any influence, and virtually no association could be observed for the agricultural application of biotechnology in the past nor for the weakness of domestic anti‐GMO lobby groups. Finally, the in‐depth study on Germany affirms that “closedness” was important for Cibus’ choices and reveals that technical information served as a venue‐internal factor that influenced the firm’s choices. 相似文献
337.
Roger Karapin 《政策研究评论》2020,37(2):140-173
The adoption of climate policies with visible, substantial costs for households is uncommon because of expected political backlash, but British Columbia's carbon tax and California's cap‐and‐trade program imposed such costs and still survived vigorous opposition. To explain these outcomes, this article tests hypotheses concerning policy design, framing, energy prices, and elections. It conducts universalizing and variation‐finding comparisons across three subcases in the two jurisdictions and uses primary sources to carry out process tracing involving mechanisms of public opinion and elite position‐taking. The article finds strong support for the timing of independent energy price changes, exogenous causes of election results, reducing the visibility of carbon pricing, and using public‐benefit justifications, as well as some support for making concessions to voters. By contrast, the effects of the use of revenue, industry exemptions/compensations, and making polluters pay are not uniform, because the effects of revenue use depend on how it is embedded in coalition building efforts and a middle path between exempting or compensating industry and burdening it appears to be more effective than pursuing just one or the other approach. 相似文献
338.
龚德忠 《湖北警官学院学报》2009,22(6):111-113
计算机软件侵权是目前比较常见的一种知识产权的侵权行为,对比一般的知识产权侵权,它具备更加隐蔽的特点。在司法鉴定的计算机取证过程中,如何鉴定侵权软件,是司法鉴定一个需要解决的重要课题。 相似文献
339.
Wittmann-Tiwald 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2009,22(2):62-62
Das vertraglich einger?umte (entgeltliche) Nutzungsrecht an einer Wohnung ist ein Mietvertrag iSd § 49 Abs 2 Z 5 JN. Dieser
Zust?ndigkeitstatbestand erfasst auch Schadenersatzansprüche aus Verletzung vertraglicher Schutzpflichten des Bestandgebers,
setzt aber einen Rechtsstreit zwischen den Parteien des Bestandvertrages voraus; er gilt nicht für eine Klage eines Mitbewohners. 相似文献
340.
Riss 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2009,22(6):189-190
Es schadet nicht, wenn bei ordentlich bezeichnetem Kündigungsgrund in der Aufkündigung nur einzelne Vorf?lle demonstrativ
angeführt werden und dann im Rahmen dieses Kündigungsgrundes noch weitere Vorf?lle nachgetragen werden. Es geht nicht an,
einen Vermieter deswegen schlechter zu stellen, weil er statt sich zul?ssigerweise auf die blo?e Angabe einer konkreten Norm
des MRG als Kündigungsgrund zu beschr?nken dazu noch weiteres, dem Mieter zur Information dienendes Vorbringen erstattet. 相似文献