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揭示人类自然群体中D8S384基因座的基因型频率,评估D8S384基因座在法医物证中的应用价值,以及建立D8S384基因座的分型方法。用不同基因型PCR产物混合的方法,制备了D8S384等位基因分型标准物,并按照国际法医血液遗传学会DNA委员会推荐的原则命名了等位基因。采用PCR扩增、电泳分析、银染显色的方法,调查了世界3大人种11个群体1103名个体的D8S384基因型。D8S384基因座共有8个等位基因,群体内基因型分布符合Hardy-Weinberg平衡,群体间基因型构成有显著性差异。利用群体数据估计了D8S384基因座的法医学理论应用价值,计算得出D8S384基因座的期望杂合度为0.704±0.014,个人识别机率为0.864。D8S384基因座是一个较好的法医学STR遗传标记。 相似文献
85.
中国汉族群体人类补体C8A多态性 总被引:6,自引:2,他引:4
采用免疫沉淀、SDS-聚丙烯酰胺凝胶电泳 (SDS- PAGE)、被动转印及酶免分析 ,研究了人类补体 C8A等位基因频率在成都地区汉族群体中的分布。 12 1份样本被分为 3种常见型 ,即 C8A- A、C8A- B及 C8A- AB,由两个等位共显性基因 C8A * A及 C8A* B控制 ;同时发现了 2个稀有亚型 ,即 A3亚型及新发现的 Ax亚型。等位基因频率为 C8A* A=0 .5 0 83,C8A* B=0 .4835 ,C8A*稀有型 =0 ,0 0 83。说明 C8A多态性在中国群体中具有良好的分布 ,个人识别率(DP)达到 6 1.14% ,可用于法医学个人识别及亲子鉴定 相似文献
86.
Sieglinde Gstöhl 《The Review of International Organizations》2007,2(1):1-37
As an informal grouping without headquarters, permanent staff or legal powers, the world’s major industrialized countries must rely on other actors, in particular international organizations, to manage global problems. This article examines how the Group of Eight contributes to global governance by cooperating with international organizations in the cases of debt relief and the fight against terrorist finance. It shows that the G8 draws on international institutions with the aid of government networks and argues that this cooperation is stronger, the greater the Group’s concentration of relevant power and the more important it considers the institutions’ resources. 相似文献
87.
Our article explores the contribution of local initiatives to the creation of path dependencies for energy transition in Germany and Japan in the face of resistance from entrenched incumbents at the national level. We use a process‐tracing methodology based partly on interviews with local participants. In particular, we explore the role of local initiatives in securing “socio‐political space” for the expansion of renewable energy (RE) and in embedding themselves in “ecosystems” of public and private institutions. German energy activists were more successful than their Japanese counterparts in expanding this space and creating positive feedback in part because they were able to build horizontal networks that anchored the energy transition firmly in local communities. Although problems with grid technology have led to retrenchment in both cases, Japanese activists' reliance on vertical networks has limited their ability to weather a backlash from national government and utility actors. Our study demonstrates the interaction of political, economic/technological, and legitimation paths to energy transition and highlights the importance of the latter two. 相似文献
88.
Christoph H. Stefes 《政策研究评论》2020,37(3):292-312
Energy transitions are fiercely contested. The incumbents of the fossil‐ and nuclear‐based energy systems have much to lose from a transition to a sustainable and decentralized energy system. They therefore employ their material and political resources to reverse, halt, or slow down this transition. They also attempt to stop and reverse the decentralization of energy production. This article provides a framework that can be used to analyze the contestation that surrounds energy transitions. The analytical framework breaks apart the macro paths of energy transitions, and differentiates between three meso‐paths (political, economic‐technological, and legitimation), emphasizes the feedback processes between these paths, and acknowledges the crucial role that actors play in engendering these feedback processes. It uses Germany as a case study to illustrate the analytical model. It also provides hypotheses that will be tested in the subsequent contributions to this special issue. 相似文献
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This thesis analyzed the cross‐section data of 630 non‐financial listed enterprises and adopts a logit model to estimate the relationships between political relations and corporate environmental behavior. The paper also adopts an ordered logit method to estimate the marginal impact of political connections to enterprises’ disclosure of information on environment and sustainable development. Through analysis, this thesis found that political connections lower the probability for enterprises to disclose information on environment and sustainable development. With the Level III scoring method, this article classified the performances of disclosing corporate environmental information into three levels. It is found that corporate political connections increase the probability for enterprises not to disclose any environmental information and lower the probability for enterprises to refer to GRI Sustainability Reporting Guidelines. 相似文献
90.
This article focuses on the degree of policy congruence, and by extension policy responsiveness, of U.S. federal‐ and state‐level GMO labeling laws from 2011–2016. Utilizing consumer survey data, evidence overwhelmingly demonstrates consumers prefer clear text‐based indication if food products contain genetically modified ingredients. However, the federal law adopted in 2016 mandates GMO labeling but with exceptions permitted to clear on‐package text labeling. The results of this study demonstrate that consumer preferences were not adequately represented at the federal level and were misaligned with state policy activities as captured in the aggregate outcome. State legislatures were actively proposing mandatory legislation with only a few cases of success, which did not adequately represent the wishes of the people. Given the misalignment and overall policy incongruence, the consequences of pending federal law are discussed in light of why the voices of the consumer choir were not heard by lawmakers. 相似文献