全面准确地理解马克思早年的“跨越”思想

马克思早年的“跨越”思想和晚年的“跨越”思想一样,指的都是“跨越”资本主义的经济制度,而不是指“跨越”政治革命和政治解放,直接实现社会革命和人类解放。马克思早年“跨越”思想的理论基础是“共同胜利论”和“发达国家带动论”。19世纪40年代,德国的社会性质是半封建半资本主义社会,德国的资本主义制度已经存在并正在发展。马克思、恩格斯把此时代的德国看作是“支配着世界市场”,并能首先进行无产阶级革命,建立共产主义社会的国家,因此认为德国能把前资本主义国家或非资本主义国家带到共产主义新社会中去,因而也不存在跨越“资本主义制度的卡夫丁峡谷”问题。     

《刑法修正案(七)》第13条之解读

《刑法修正案(七)》第13条的规定可以概括为两个罪名,即"密切关系人受贿罪"和"离职国家工作人员受贿罪"。"密切关系人"包括国家工作人员和离职国家工作人员的近亲属以及其他与之关系密切的人,其范围比"特定关系人"要广,除了近亲属、情妇(夫)和有共同利益的人之外,还可以是同学、老乡、同事、战友、朋友等。其实质在于,行为人基于与国家工作人员的这种关系,能够或者足以影响该国家工作人员或者其他国家工作人员,进而通过该国家工作人员或者其他国家工作人员职务上的行为,为请托人谋取利益,实现与请托人之间的权钱交易行为。由于近亲属等密切关系人和离职国家工作人员既可以构成受贿罪的共犯,也可以独立构成密切关系人受贿罪与离职国家工作人员受贿罪,因此,要将其与斡旋受贿、共同受贿等行为相区别。     

A Survey: Children’s Rights Post Termination of Parental Rights and Pre-Adoption

This survey of the statutory provisions and case law of all 50 states and the District of Columbia includes the rights of children to parental support, inheritance, and familial association remaining upon termination of parental rights. A majority of states terminate all the child’s rights at the time parental rights are severed. However, a number of states by explicit statutes or statutory construction have determined that a child’s rights to parental support survives termination of parental rights. This survey examines the prevailing law in each state and suggests statutory reforms to protect the legal status and rights of children.     

不动产最高额抵押权的变更——兼评指导案例95号

按照指导案例95号,将既有债权转入最高额抵押担保债权范围的,未经登记亦有物权效力,但不得对第三人产生不利影响。该指导案例并非将不动产最高额抵押权变更的模式改变为登记对抗要件主义,而是对概括最高额抵押权之否定立场进行缓和,以便更充分地发挥最高额抵押权的优势。特定债权的转入属于最高额抵押担保的债权范围的变更,其与债权确定期间的变更、债务人基准的变更一样,都不需要后顺位抵押权人等第三人同意,因为不会破坏这类第三人的信赖基础。债权范围的变更遵循实行合同自由原则,其效力与登记无关,只不过当事人不得将非基于正常交易关系产生的债权纳入担保范围,给第三人造成难以预料的损害。这一裁判规则不得类推适用于最高额抵押权的决算期变更、债务人基准变更,为保护不特定第三人对最高额抵押担保债权是否已确定的信赖,这些事项的变更只有在最高额抵押权确定前办理登记,才能产生物权效力。     

婚生否认之诉原告资格的立法完善和规范适用

对于婚生否认之诉的原告,目前我国法采取了明确列举的方式,所规定的原告范围较窄。当其他可能的原告起诉时,法院或严格适用法律规范,或扩大原告范围,产生了矛盾裁判。立法应当对能够成立诉权并启动司法审判的适格原告作出周全选择和判断。基于身份权的专属性及国家意欲保护的权利和价值,亲子关系的主体,即父母、子女均有婚生否认之诉原告资格;生父仅在婚生亲子关系不利于子女最佳利益或损害公共利益时,才附条件地具有婚生否认之诉原告资格;父死亡后的继承人因无专属身份关系以及身份公益优位于财产私益的法理,不具有婚生否认之诉原告资格。在立法作出周全选择后,司法实践应当准确把握婚生否认之诉属于形成之诉的本质及立法的文义和目的,遵循形成之诉原告的法定性和封闭性,不得扩大原告范围。     

香港青年内地发展政策与大湾区“融合发展”--基于HKPSSD数据的实证研究

促进港澳青年"北上"内地发展,融入国家发展大局,最终实现"人心回归",是"粤港澳大湾区"政策体系中的重要内容和目标。回归以来,中央已累计推出100多项鼓励香港青年到内地发展的政策,其效果和机制亟需进行评估。论文基于香港社会动态追踪调查HKPSSD数据,以国家认同作为政策效标,评估现有内地发展政策对香港青年国家认同的效应,并从心理层面考察其作用机制。研究发现,频繁返回内地对青年国家认同确有提升作用,心理融合在此过程中起到完全中介作用。该机制在通过倾向值匹配进行稳健性检验后依然稳健,并且心理融合的中介效应量有所上升。研究表明,香港青年内地发展政策已取得了一定程度的积极效应,心理融合在机制中起到关键的效能转化作用。在粤港澳大湾区"融合发展"的战略目标和制度框架底下,做好心理融合工作,将是香港青年内地发展经历转化为国家归属感的重要抓手。     

European ruling parties’ electoral strategies and overseas enfranchisement policies

Emigrants’ ideologies and partisan attitudes may diverge from other voters’: overseas voters are ideologically self-selected, receive distinctive information about campaigns and have experiences abroad that are likely to shape their political views. Parties, anticipating these emigrant attitudes, can manipulate overseas voting availability to give the vote primarily to their own supporters. Alternatively, parties may expect newly enfranchised voters to provide electoral support in gratitude for the right to vote. To distinguish these separate processes, this project undertakes a case study of Turkey to trace a ruling party's strategic expectations as it makes overseas-enfranchisement decisions. To see how generalisable these results are, the study further extends to a statistical analysis of differences in vote choice between voters at home and abroad across all 23 European countries that report overseas votes separately, using an original dataset encompassing 121 elections. Both the case study and the statistical analysis suggest that emigrant-enfranchising parties tend to garner overseas voters’ support in a lasting way. This suggests that overseas enfranchisement most often appears to involve incumbent parties (correctly) expecting long-term ideological compatibility with their overseas nationals, not simply exchanging the franchise for short-term, transactional support.     

A signal failure: Sports grants,public servants,and traffic lights

The Auditor General's performance audit into the failings of the Community Sport Infrastructure Grant Program has led to a ministerial resignation and a parliamentary inquiry. The media melee prompted by the ‘sports rorts’ affair has focussed on political corruption of process, with a concentration on the role of ministerial advisers. This is only part of the story. This article argues that on this occasion the Australian Public Service (APS) did not acquit itself well, and that the affair was triggered by an administrative failure to advise on threshold legal and procedural issues: what is termed the ‘traffic light’ role of a professional public service. The article considers how such policy advice failings may have occurred, and whether APS performance in this instance is an indicator of declining institutional capacity.     

以转型升级助推中国制造业高质量发展

近年来,我国工业尤其是制造业比重逐步下降,而服务业比重逐步上升,业已成为我国第一大产业。但这并不意味着服务业已经成为我国经济发展的引擎,更不意味着我国已经进入服务经济时代。在现阶段制造业仍然是我国经济发展的引擎,是国民经济的主体,是国家竞争力的核心。大力发展制造业,推动制造业高质量发展,对我国经济持续稳定高质量发展至关重要。目前我国经济已由高速增长阶段转向高质量发展阶段,制造业大而不强的现状亟待改变。亟须深化改革,加快新旧动能转换和转型升级,以打造具有国际竞争力的制造业,助力我国经济中高速增长和高质量发展。     

On being the ‘gender person’ in an academic department: constructions,configurations and implications

The term ‘gender person’ in an academic department is a colloquial expression which refers to someone who researches and/or teaches about gender, but whose primary affiliation is not to a gender studies department or centre. This role has particularly been discussed in relation to international development organisations, but has been neglected in relation to higher education institutions. The article reapplies Lucy Ferguson’s ‘gender person’ framework to academics working as ‘gender people’ in the conditions of contemporary academia. Three cases of different manifestations of the ‘gender person’ role are explored in detail and analysed for the ways in which occupying the ‘gender person’ role impacts upon academic careers and gender knowledge. The article contributes an elaborated concept of the ‘gender person’ in academia and provides empirical evidence of being the ‘gender person’. The article particularly shows that relying on a ‘gender person’ as a form of gender mainstreaming renders both gender academics and academic departments vulnerable in different ways.