European ruling parties’ electoral strategies and overseas enfranchisement policies

Emigrants’ ideologies and partisan attitudes may diverge from other voters’: overseas voters are ideologically self-selected, receive distinctive information about campaigns and have experiences abroad that are likely to shape their political views. Parties, anticipating these emigrant attitudes, can manipulate overseas voting availability to give the vote primarily to their own supporters. Alternatively, parties may expect newly enfranchised voters to provide electoral support in gratitude for the right to vote. To distinguish these separate processes, this project undertakes a case study of Turkey to trace a ruling party's strategic expectations as it makes overseas-enfranchisement decisions. To see how generalisable these results are, the study further extends to a statistical analysis of differences in vote choice between voters at home and abroad across all 23 European countries that report overseas votes separately, using an original dataset encompassing 121 elections. Both the case study and the statistical analysis suggest that emigrant-enfranchising parties tend to garner overseas voters’ support in a lasting way. This suggests that overseas enfranchisement most often appears to involve incumbent parties (correctly) expecting long-term ideological compatibility with their overseas nationals, not simply exchanging the franchise for short-term, transactional support.     

A signal failure: Sports grants,public servants,and traffic lights

The Auditor General's performance audit into the failings of the Community Sport Infrastructure Grant Program has led to a ministerial resignation and a parliamentary inquiry. The media melee prompted by the ‘sports rorts’ affair has focussed on political corruption of process, with a concentration on the role of ministerial advisers. This is only part of the story. This article argues that on this occasion the Australian Public Service (APS) did not acquit itself well, and that the affair was triggered by an administrative failure to advise on threshold legal and procedural issues: what is termed the ‘traffic light’ role of a professional public service. The article considers how such policy advice failings may have occurred, and whether APS performance in this instance is an indicator of declining institutional capacity.     

习近平外交思想与中国外交哲学的新境界

习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是21世纪的马克思主义。习近平外交思想是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要组成部分,集中反映了当代中国化马克思主义在外交和国际关系领域的最新思想理论成果。习近平外交思想在价值取向上彰显鲜明中国特色,即旗帜鲜明地坚守中国共产党领导中国人民走中国特色社会主义道路与追求共产主义远大理想的初心,推动构建人类命运共同体,积极为人类现代化事业贡献中国智慧和中国方案。使坚持中国特色社会主义的初心与倡导涵盖资本主义国家的人类共同体意识形成理论自洽,是中国共产党人运用马克思"两个必然"思想与"两个决不会"思想,对当代世界与中国发展大势进行深刻洞察得出的重要理论结晶,是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想和习近平外交思想从历史哲学高度对21世纪马克思主义做出的重大理论贡献,体现出深刻的理论思辨与理论创新精神。习近平外交思想富于鲜活的时代精神,集中体现在高扬和平与发展的时代主旋律、敏锐洞察百年未有之大变局的历史脉动、以新型全球化理念积极引导全球治理等方面。习近平外交思想使中国外交在理论和实践上得到升华,开辟了中国外交哲学的新境界,是新时代中国特色大国外交的强大思想武器与行动指南。     

以转型升级助推中国制造业高质量发展

近年来,我国工业尤其是制造业比重逐步下降,而服务业比重逐步上升,业已成为我国第一大产业。但这并不意味着服务业已经成为我国经济发展的引擎,更不意味着我国已经进入服务经济时代。在现阶段制造业仍然是我国经济发展的引擎,是国民经济的主体,是国家竞争力的核心。大力发展制造业,推动制造业高质量发展,对我国经济持续稳定高质量发展至关重要。目前我国经济已由高速增长阶段转向高质量发展阶段,制造业大而不强的现状亟待改变。亟须深化改革,加快新旧动能转换和转型升级,以打造具有国际竞争力的制造业,助力我国经济中高速增长和高质量发展。     

On being the ‘gender person’ in an academic department: constructions,configurations and implications

The term ‘gender person’ in an academic department is a colloquial expression which refers to someone who researches and/or teaches about gender, but whose primary affiliation is not to a gender studies department or centre. This role has particularly been discussed in relation to international development organisations, but has been neglected in relation to higher education institutions. The article reapplies Lucy Ferguson’s ‘gender person’ framework to academics working as ‘gender people’ in the conditions of contemporary academia. Three cases of different manifestations of the ‘gender person’ role are explored in detail and analysed for the ways in which occupying the ‘gender person’ role impacts upon academic careers and gender knowledge. The article contributes an elaborated concept of the ‘gender person’ in academia and provides empirical evidence of being the ‘gender person’. The article particularly shows that relying on a ‘gender person’ as a form of gender mainstreaming renders both gender academics and academic departments vulnerable in different ways.     

“自由国际秩序”、多极化与俄罗斯的“2024议程”

在国际秩序构建问题上,伊肯伯里的"自由国际秩序"理论、普里马科夫的多极世界思想、基辛格的国际秩序演变观,是三种来自不同思想谱系、取向与功能各异、对国际秩序延续和转型有着各自思考的理论。虽然三种立场之间有时看似对立,存在着相互冲突与逆转的可能,但是不排除彼此接近、展开对话,乃至探寻共识的空间。从物理学意义上的外在结构,或简单引用历史先例,来寻找未来世界秩序演进的轨迹,显然已经不够。关注上述不同立场间的争议与各自在互动中的调整,研究各大国间很不相同的国内进程与"全球转型"之间的相互作用,具有重要的理论与现实意义。2020年初俄罗斯开启了"2024议程"。俄罗斯政府改组和普京提出宪法修正案等一系列重要部署与相关的广泛讨论,不仅旨在解决社会经济的紧迫挑战,同时也指向2024年现总统任期届满之后的中长期政治经济安排。像俄罗斯这样将当下困难问题的处理与长远发展战略部署加以联系,将本国内部事务的转型与未来世界发展的潮流相互衔接的做法,值得学界关注。     

企业年终奖之劳动争议与处理研究

年终奖事关用人单位和员工双方切身利益。对年终奖问题的研究不仅可以起到对劳动者权益保护和规范的作用,更是对劳动领域相关理论问题的补充和完善。研究从有关年终奖的劳动争议出发,分析其设置动因及性质,提出在员工提前离职或者因法定原因不在岗时如何发放的争议问题。通过分析产生这些争议的内在原因,并结合其他国家的年终奖发放状况,研究认为应该从明确企业年终奖发放制度的价值之维度、在法律层面进行制度设计、在司法实践中做好利益平衡等角度出发,对年终奖的劳动争议有一个清晰认识和正确处理。     

China's engagement-oriented strategy towards North Korea: achievements and limitations

In response to the challenge of unstable North Korea (weak economy, weapons of mass destruction [WMD] development), China has followed an engagement-oriented strategy based on diplomatic persuasion, economic interaction and moderate economic sanctions. Intensified engagement (2009–2012) facilitated North Korean convergence with China in respect of economic reform but divergence has persisted over WMD development. Despite the widening of divergence since 2013, China has refrained from applying crippling sanctions. This article seeks to explain these diverging results and their implications for China's strategy towards North Korea. Reviewing recent literature and data, it will argue that Chinese economic input reinforced the trend of economic reform that formed the basis of political consolidation under the new hereditary regime. On the other hand, the prospect of stable dependence on China ran counter to that regime's pursuit of WMDs as the basis of security and diplomatic diversification. These mixed results reveal the limits of China's strategy: its economic input involuntarily reinforces North Korea's WMD potential but it is not prepared to accept the risks of enforcing WMD restraint by crippling sanctions either. With limited room for manoeuvre, the attainment of China's strategic objectives ultimately depends upon policy change from the US or South Korea.     

“A river is not a boundary”: interplays of national and linguistic citizenship in Pulaar language activism

This article examines the interplay of linguistic citizenship and national citizenship within a trans-border language movement. Since the late 1950s, language activists from among the Haalpulaar’en of Senegal and Mauritania have practiced forms of literacy teaching, literary production, theater and journalism in promoting their language, known as Pulaar. These activists’ trans-border collaborations and their emergence from two distinct national contexts – where, in both cases, Pulaar is spoken by a minority of the population – must be understood in relation to one another. Tracing the biographical itineraries of several key activists, this article illustrates how Senegalese and Mauritanian Pulaar militants have collaborated when it comes to language promotion yet frame their grievances within their respective national political arenas. More than a form of local resistance based on trans-border linguistic and cultural ties, Pulaar language activism has emerged thanks to opportunities presented by forms of post-colonial state-building, including the creation of national radio.     

Contemporary Women’s Autofiction as Critique of Postfeminist Discourse

ABSTRACT

While commentaries on the phenomenon of postfeminism have centred on its manifestations in media and popular culture, this article highlights the potential of literature for extending existing debates within postfeminist studies. I argue that the emergence of contemporary women’s autofiction offers the possibility of a literary response to the individualising narrative of a neoliberal and postfeminist sensibility. I advance this contention via an analysis of two texts: Sheila Heti’s How Should A Person Be? (2012) and Jenny Offill’s Dept. of Speculation (2014). Their writing practice is resolutely political because it employs the confessional mode, as indebted to the emancipatory roots of the feminist movement, to reflect on the enduring marginality of female artistic identity. By foregrounding the inherently provisional nature of their being, both texts emphasise that the search for a viable artistic consciousness and experiments in artistic method are as crucial as the final product itself, especially when the definition of woman as artist still remains contested. I thus locate the existence of these texts in a wider social imaginary conducive for feminist organising. In this respect, the rising popularity of contemporary women’s autofiction may offer strategies crucial for remediating an otherwise diminished feminist politics of the present.