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221.
Elaine Sio-ieng Hui 《当代亚洲杂志》2017,47(1):66-92
The Chinese party-state has been depicted in three major forms by the existing studies – the authoritarian state, developmental state and corporatist state. These depictions, however, only offer a partial understanding of the Chinese party-state and have failed to grasp its totality. Drawing upon the theoretical insights of Antonio Gramsci, this article contends that Chinese economic reform inaugurated in 1978 has been a top-down passive revolution and that, after three decades of reform, the role of the Chinese state has been changing from steering the country’s passive revolution to establishing capitalist hegemony. However, it should be noted that although the Chinese state has been undergoing a hegemonic transformation, capitalist hegemony has not been unambiguously established in the country. Some workers have given consent to the ruling class’s leadership, but a segment of workers has been able to transgress hegemony to formulate a radical critique of capitalists and the state. The transition to hegemony in China is a chaotic and tumultuous process of class struggles between the ruling class and the working class. 相似文献
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中国共产党于1923年7月发布的《中国共产党第二次对时局的主张》中指出:“北京之国会已成为封建军阀的傀儡,国民已否认其代表资格,只有国民会议才能真正代表国民,才能制定出宪法,才能建立新的政府统一中国。”[1](P178)该主张逐渐为孙中山所代表的革命民主派和各界人民广泛接受,并在1925年春发展成规模巨大的政治运动。 相似文献
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226.
秦生 《中国延安干部学院学报》2010,(1):60-65
以陕甘革命根据地作为领导中国革命的大本营的伟大战略决策的形成,是由于陕甘革命根据地的存在与革命发展的有利条件,共产国际援助中国革命思想和对陕甘革命根据地的认识,全国革命形势发展的要求与党中央为了实现政治路线,党和红军生存与发展的需要,中共第一代中央领导集体具有的科学精神与战略眼光这些最基本的因素所决定的,是当时社会历史条件下的必然选择。 相似文献
227.
未能重视劳动力所有者在资本主义生产方式的历史发展进程中所起的作用,是《资本论》的一大缺憾,真正对资本主义生产方式的形成和发展起主导作用是劳动力所有者而不是资本所有者。 相似文献
228.
邓小平等老一辈革命家领导的百色起义是继南昌、秋收、广州起义之后,我党领导的一次规模和影响较大的武装起义,它在创建人民武装、开展武装斗争和土地革命等方面,进行了伟大的尝试,实践和丰富了毛泽东农村包围城市,武装夺取政权的革命新道路理论。 相似文献
229.
彭恒军 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2005,19(1):11-17
乡镇企业是我国农村工业化战略的直接产物,其独特的制度特征和区位优势,使其在我国现阶段仍有不可替代的战略地位。由于乡镇企业整体上尚未发生企业发展史上所说的"管理革命",因而,其劳动关系的根本特征是企业所有者和新型工资劳动者之间的特殊利益关系。乡镇集体企业的经营者最大化追求"企业控制权"回报、个体私营企业经营者最大化追求企业利润、新型工资劳动者努力追求以较高比较收益为主要目的的就业机会和就业岗位而不计劳动权利和劳动条件,同时,占乡镇企业96 1%的个体私营企业因拒斥内部监督、不愿支付工会运行的经济社会成本和劳动者因维权意识不强而导致工会组建的内在动力不足,是乡镇企业劳动关系的基本特征。 相似文献
230.
Sue Chaplin 《Feminist Legal Studies》2001,9(3):199-220
This article examines the way in which the sublime comes to matter within various eighteenth century legal discourses, particularly
in the work of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Edmund Burke. The essay seeks also to relate the theoretical works of these philosophers
and lawyers to practical legislative developments of the period, in particular, the passage of the Black Act in1726 and the
Marriage Act in 1753. The sublime comes to matter to the law in this period in the sense that philosophical conceptualizations
of the sublime in terms of power and transcendence become increasingly significant to representations of the nature and function
of English law. Such theoretical accounts of the law as are found in the work of Hobbes, Locke, and Burke, moreover, translate
into juridical practices designed to affirm the status of the law as a transcendentally sublime source of political authority
in the eighteenth century. This article subjects that understanding of the law to a feminist critique that draws upon the
work of the French philosopher, Luce Irigaray. It will be shown that the sublime within Western thought is generally associated
with a sense of dread as to the possibility of the annihilation of consciousness. This ontological dread entails, in Jean
Francois Lyotard’s terms, a recognition of the possibility of “nothing further happening” to the subject. Within Western discourse,
this dread is projected onto, or made material in the form of, some ‘other’ that is, in Irigaray’s estimation, most usually
feminine. Thus, the sublime comes to matter in this second, ontological sense and it is within this context that the transcendental
sublime emerges as a response to a sense of dread that is projected on to some material, feminine, or feminised, ‘other’.
In eighteenth century legal discourse, this ‘other’ take the form of the ‘state of nature’, or the revolutionary mob, or the
revolutionary female who signifies more than anything a return to animality and chaos –an ontological and political fall from
grace. The Black Act and the Marriage Act, with their shared emphasis upon the preservation of political stability and patriarchal
property rights, may in this context be regarded as manifestations in the legal domain of the metaphysical principles of the
transcendental sublime – with its emphasis upon an escape from, and a control of, the dreadful, feminine ‘other’.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献