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221.
中共"七·一三"宣言发表于大革命失败、中国革命处于严重危机的1927年7月13日。"七·一三"宣言的发表,代表了中国共产党新政策的开始,将中国革命推向了土地革命的新阶段,标志着陈独秀右倾错误政策的终结,宣告了革命力量在土地革命旗帜下的重新集结。  相似文献   
222.
The AmpFlSTR MiniFiler polymerase chain reaction amplification kit developed by Applied Biosystems enables size reduction on eight of the larger STR loci amplified in the Identifiler kit, which will aid recovery of information from highly degraded DNA samples. The MiniFiler Kit amplifies CSF1PO, FGA, D2S1338, D7S820, D13S317, D16S539, D18S51, and D21S11 as well as the sex-typing locus amelogenin. A total of 1308 samples were evaluated with both the MiniFiler and Identifiler STR kits: 449 African American, 445 Caucasian, 207 Hispanic, and 207 Asian individuals. Full concordance between Identifiler and MiniFiler Kits was observed in 99.7% (10,437 out of 10,464) STR allele calls compared. The 27 differences seen are listed in Table 1 and encompass the loci D13S317 (n = 14) and D16S539 (n = 10) as well as D18S51 (n = 1), D7S820 (n = 1), and CSF1PO (n = 1). Genotyping discrepancies between the Identifiler and MiniFiler kits were confirmed by reamplification of the samples and further testing using the PowerPlex 16 kit in many cases. DNA sequence analysis was also performed in order to understand the nature of the genetic variations causing the allele dropout or apparent repeat unit shift.  相似文献   
223.
Idealism is the core of the Pratyabhijñã philosophy: the main goal of Utpaladeva (fl. c. 925–950 AD) and of his commentator Abhinavagupta (fl. c. 975–1025 AD) is to establish that nothing exists outside of consciousness. In the course of their demonstration, these ?aiva philosophers endeavour to distinguish their idealism from that of a rival system, the Buddhist Vijñānavāda. This article aims at examining the concept of otherness (paratva) as it is presented in the Pratyabhijñā philosophy in contrast with that of the Vijñānavādins’. Although, according to the Pratyabhijñā, the other subjects are not ultimately real since all subjects are nothing but limited manifestations of a single absolute subject, the fact that we are aware of their existence in the practical world has to be accounted for. The Vijñānavādins explain it by arguing the we infer the others’ existence. The Pratyabhijñā philosophers, while refuting their opponents’ reasoning as it is expounded in Dharmakīrti’s Santānāntarasiddhi, develop a particulary original analysis of our awareness of the others, stating that this awareness is neither a perception (pratyak?a) nor an inference (anumāna), but rather a guess (ūha) in which we sense the others’ freedom (svātantrya).  相似文献   
224.
This paper describes a developmental validation study of three Miniplex sets covering 12 of the 13 CODIS loci. As these new sets will be used for the analysis of degraded and low level DNA, the validation studies were performed using 100-125 pg of DNA, the lowest input level at which peak balance, peak intensity, and allele consistency were stable. To demonstrate the applicability of the Miniplex sets to forensic casework, these validation studies were completed in accordance with the Scientific Working Group on DNA Analysis Methods (SWGDAM). A range of tests were performed including studies of concordance with standard multiplex kits, sensitivity and reproducibility, and PCR amplification conditions. Additionally, studies of mixtures, nonhuman and environmentally degraded DNA, and simulated forensic samples were performed. Our results demonstrate that Miniplex STR amplification procedures are a robust and sensitive tool for the analysis of degraded DNA.  相似文献   
225.
互联网大规模灾害响应中的志愿行动网络研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
裘丽  傅荣  陈碧玉 《公共管理学报》2012,(3):92-100,127
近年来,基于互联网大规模灾害响应的民间志愿行动网络迅猛发展,成为救灾救援中不可忽视的重要力量。2008—2011年在灾害响应中发展起来的"华夏志愿行动网络"案例研究的基础上,试图探究这类行动网络的结构特征。研究发现网络参与者以相对固定的QQ群界定边界,高效地使用各种网络手段进行沟通和动员,异质化身份和丰富的公益资源使得它们在灾害响应时能快速而有效地协作;网络结构呈现"非层级化"和"去中心化"特点,自组织特征明显;网络的信任结构体现基于平行互动的特殊信任和一般信任所组成信任关系特点,特殊信任所组成核心志愿者网络是中心网络,起到信息沟通、资源共享中间"桥"的作用,彼此间的高联接度容易影响一般信任往特殊信任关系的转化。本文的研究将为互联网志愿行动提供理论指导,有利于政府合理的引导和管理。  相似文献   
226.
网络群体性事件是我国社会管理的一个难局。在事件过程中,政府网站反应普遍滞后,既浪费了宝贵的信息平台资源,也在客观上加剧了事态的恶化。就政府网站而言,这种无作为的成因主要是:民主诉求的网站平台功能不足,政治沟通不顺畅;政府网站的虚拟参与层次不高,公共事务的民主管理作用无法得到充分体现;网络社区与虚拟社团的积极作用不能有效发挥;政府网站的监督呈现单向度的特征,导致政府问责的缺失。比较分析国外电子政务的发展经验,我国的政府网站建设应有所改进和提升。  相似文献   
227.
This paper explores the dynamics of negotiations between the Salvadoran government and the street gangs, called maras. The paper argues that state negotiations with criminal groups can occur when organized crime is a significant part of the social and political order. This tacit order allows a great deal of coordination between and within criminal organizations and the focus of negotiations from the state's point of view is limited to the management of violence, not the dismantling of gangs' territorial control. This article draws on seventeen in‐depth interviews with middle‐level gang leaders, government officials, and participants of the truce negotiations from 2012 to 2016; it also relies on public information published by Salvadoran journalists and government sources about the truce.  相似文献   
228.
劳动权益受损与行动选择研究:两代农民工的比较   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
新生代农民工利益抗争行动参与比例远高于第一代农民工.影响新生代农民工利益抗争行动的主要因素是工资权益受损及认知、人生及健康侵害经历和认知、结社力量;影响第一代农民工利益抗争行动的主要因素是劳动合同签订情况、工会与居住状况.客观权益受损及其认知对于新生代农民工利益抗争行动的影响说明工人的意识、觉醒及阶级经历对于行动的重要...  相似文献   
229.
This article considers the problem of socially efficient liability rules for firms in contestable markets where natural monopoly prevails due to decreasing average cost. If the fixed cost that pushes the entry-limiting price above marginal cost is large relative to the level of external harm of firms, the negligence regime is socially superior to the strict liability regime. In the opposite case, the strict liability rule may be socially superior.  相似文献   
230.
General Zia-ul-Haq’s ambitious Islamization program vis-à-vis gender status in an Islamic Republic remains embedded in the legal system to the detriment of Pakistan’s females. Passage of the Hudood Ordinances of 1979 was a harbinger of things to come as the military junta moved to implement laws perceived to be congruent with Shariah (Islamic) law. This article examines specific discriminatory legal measures, which ensured the reversal of the slow but significant gains made by females since Pakistan’s creation in 1947; and explores how certain draconian measures enacted by Zia’s regime served to mobilize some Pakistani women to political activism.  相似文献   
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