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631.
The inclusion of students with disabilities is a process that requires collaboration among multiple individuals, with teachers, aides, parents, students, and school systems playing important roles in resolving student problems. In the current study, we examined data from 75 teachers concerning 126 students about problems that students with disabilities had following a transition from a school primarily serving students with disabilities to more inclusive schools. Reported problems were reviewed and five major themes emerged: academic, behavioral, mobility/accessibility, social, and transportation issues. Teachers typically resolved academic problems by working directly with the student or collaborating with school staff. Social problems were resolved through student and teacher initiatives. Behavioral, transportation, and mobility/accessibility problems were resolved through collaboration among many key school figures and family members. Implications for theory, research, and inclusive school practices related to academic curricula, resources, services, and architectural accommodations for students with disabilities are discussed.  相似文献   
632.
朱全红 《外交评论》2006,93(4):66-72
美国族裔群体在涉及其祖籍国利益的外交政策上一直都试图发挥各自的影响,并使美国的外交政策不断呈现出多元文化的特色。而族裔群体内部所拥有的各种族裔政治资源则决定着这种影响力的大小,其中人口规模与人口分布、社会融入与经济地位、组织能力与政策目标是其中最为关键的因素。在美国政治与国际环境等外部条件相同的形势下,这些因素是区别各族裔群体在美国外交决策过程中具有多大影响力的重要指标。  相似文献   
633.
This paper addresses a developmental issue concerning longitudinal patterns of sex differences in delinquency. Hirschi and Gottfredson argue that the age-delinquency relation is invariant across sex and that sex differences in delinquency are invariant over time as well. A combination of these two propositions generates a hypothesis, called here the sex-invariance hypothesis, that sex differences in delinquency are invariant over developmental stages of adolescents. To test the sex-invariance hypothesis, nine waves of panel data collected from a representative urban sample of African American adolescents are analyzed. The overall findings show that sex differences in delinquency tend to vary as the subjects grow older, rather than remain constant as the invariance thesis posits. Specifically, sex differences in delinquency peak at the age of 15 and thereafter declines with age. We also find that parental supervision significantly explains sex differences in delinquency for younger adolescence, but not for older adolescence.  相似文献   
634.
美国对国际刑事法院的政策转变   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
美国对国际刑事法院的政策经历了从积极支持到极力反对的大转变。克林顿政府虽然积极参加法院规约的制订,但最终因为在管辖权、检察官独立启动调查起诉程序和侵略罪等问题上存在着重大分歧而投了反对票。布什政府则根据《美国军人保护法》采取了一系列极端敌视国际刑事法院的措施,其中尤以所谓的"第98条协定"为甚。但是,缔约国与美国签订的这种豁免协定实际上违背了规约的宗旨,与罗马规约第98条第2款不相符合,是非法的。  相似文献   
635.
The appraisal of background conditions is an important but often neglected element of political interpretation. Influential interpretations of American politics, such as Louis Hartz's The Liberal Tradition in America, dismiss the importance of changing political contexts. Set in terms of the debate over American exceptionalism, this article explores changes in political mood in the United States during the twentieth century. Hartz is not wrong to assert the persistence of a uniform underlying political culture in the United States, nor the lasting impact of Lockeanism in establishing boundaries to possibility—for the left and the right. But a finer-grained appraisal of the interaction between political-cultural ethos and activism is possible. As David Greenstone rightly argued, contestation still occurs within a predominantly liberal society. This article contends that the character of this contestation is determined by the nature of political periods produced by interpretations of the underlying Lockean bedrock by political actors. It makes explicit that Hartz and Greenstone were operating at different levels of analysis—Hartz established the persistence of dedication to Lockean liberal tenets in the deep structure of American politics, while Greenstone's interpretation established a meso-level of analysis, above this deep structure. The present article adds temporal periodization to this meso-level. Political actors make history upon a stage received from the past—in the United States, the Lockean bedrock—but they inflect this stage with crucial interpretations that set or stretch the limits of political expression in a new period. It discerns four varieties of liberalism—economic liberalism, social state liberalism, social movement liberalism and cold war liberalism—that have interpreted the deep structure differently since the 1920s. It also suggests that sensitivity to historical changes in political mood does not necessitate repudiation of Hartz's thesis of Lockean liberal predominance in the United States.  相似文献   
636.
The article raises questions such as: 'Is South African "economic" diplomacy primarily "economic"?' and 'how altruistic in intention are the diplomatic efforts currently being undertaken by South Africa?' These questions flow from the interplay between the premise that economic diplomacy seeks to serve economic interests through diplomatic means, and the pronouncements made by South African decision makers that point to a broader, more altruistic agenda being pursued. In exploring the political and economic elements of current South African economic diplomacy, some pertinent aspects of South Africa's foreign and economic policies are highlighted, and South African economic diplomacy is broadly sketched. The focus is on the post-1994 period, but developments are put in historical perspective. The article concludes that current South African economic diplomacy serves both economic and political interests and that it is deployed in an extremely complex environment in which it is virtually impossible to disentangle the economic from the political and the altruistic from self-interest.  相似文献   
637.
美国的政治过程是由一批权力中心的运作来体现的美国是典型的多元主义政体国家,这一强调个人和公民社会权利的政治体制表现为权力中心的多元化。多元主义政体在美国的形成不是偶然的,而是由美国独特的历史背景、自由主义的政治哲学、人们对纯粹民主政治可能导致弊端的担心以及美国利益多元化等多方面因素决定的。了解美国政治本质特征及其成因,有助于我们认识美国政治和美国政府的决策过程。  相似文献   
638.
In a controversial expansion of workplace civil rights, the 1990 Americans with Disability Act (ADA) extended anti-discrimination protection to individuals with "mental impairments." One of the most critical barriers to the employment of individuals with mental disabilities is the degree of social stigma such disabilities incur, and there is compelling evidence that employers have stigmatizing attitudes and have discriminated against those with mental disabilities. This study examines the role played by stigma in employers' response to the 1990 Americans with Disability Act (ADA). A stratified sample of one hundred ninety employers were surveyed in 1996-1997 in a major Southern metropolitan area. Telephone interviews were completed with one hundred seventeen employers (response rate of 61.6%). The article describes employers' experiences with employees with mental disabilities and accommodations, specific employment practices, and attitudes towards those with mental disabilities. Stigma played an important role in conformity to the ADA (operationalized as either hiring or having specific recruiting policies for hiring individuals with mental disabilities). Furthermore, employers expressing coercive (fear of a lawsuit) as opposed to normative (belief that it is the right thing to do) rationales for compliance were more likely to hold stigmatized attitudes. Employers' beliefs about mental disability form a crucial foundation for truly supportive work environments (those that value difference and diversity), and further research is needed to determine if over time the ADA is successful in changing attitudes as well as behavior.  相似文献   
639.
美国风险投资业的发展及其借鉴   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
美国是风险投资的起源地,风险投资在美国经济发展中起了不可忽视的作用,美国风险投资之所以成功,主要在于美国有适宜风险投资的"生态环境"。我国风险投资起步晚且发展相对缓慢,笔者认为,我们必须借鉴美国风险投资发展进程中成功的经验,结合我国实际设计促进风险投资健康发展的制度体系。  相似文献   
640.
Drawing upon the various contributions to this special issue, this concluding article reflects upon the ways in which a shared security culture has influenced how the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has responded to transnational challenges. It then attempts to contextualise the ECOWAS approach by providing a brief comparative analysis of how other regional arrangements in Africa and Asia have addressed transnational challenges.  相似文献   
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