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81.
行政权力的政治监督——以美国行政法为视角 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
探讨美国联邦政府不同部门对行政权力的政治制衡,主要包括议会、行政首长以及行政部门的自我监督。美国经验表明,政治监督是防止行政滥用权力的重要保障。事实上,有效的政治监督是行政法治的必要条件。 相似文献
82.
作为世界上第一个少年司法制度的诞生地———美国 ,它的少年司法体系的改革令人关注。本文回顾了美国少年司法政策的发展历史 ,并系统地检验了美国少年司法体制 ,总结了美国少年司法的历史 ,阐述了美国少年司法近年来的发展状况 ,这些发展推动了学者们对美国少年司法的深入研究 ,从而为处理青少年偏差行为指明了合理、有效的策略。本文还涉及到意识形态、政治策略和媒体对少年司法的公共政策的影响问题 ,最后探讨了将来美国少年司法领域中可能出现的争议。 相似文献
83.
84.
Sixteen American Indian women requesting counseling for domestic violence at an urban Indian health center were interviewed using standardized measures. The majority of the women were not married, had low family incomes, and both the women and their partners abused substances. All of the women experienced increased depression and stress as a result of the battering. A mental health needs assessment survey of 198 American Indian women is presented for comparison. Women who reported a history of domestic violence on the survey were more likely to be separated or divorced and reported more problems with alcohol than the women with no history of domestic violence. The results of the domestic violence program interviews are compared to the mental health needs assessment survey and studies of battered women in shelters. 相似文献
85.
中美建交以来,美国对台湾问题奉行"双轨政策".文章以该政策的始作俑者--里根时代的台湾问题为例展开论述.首先,简述里根时代"双轨政策"的表现.接着,从美国国内政治的角度透视了里根奉行该政策的缘由,认为这是由总统个人的外交哲学以及美国国内政治生态中的诸因素共同决定的.最后,通过回顾建交以来历届美国总统"双轨政策"的演变得出结论,认为在透视当前和预测未来的美国对台湾问题政策时,要关注美国政治生态中诸项因素的作用. 相似文献
86.
POPULATION: Population: Illinois Caucasian ( n =117), Illinois African American ( n =218), and Illinois Hispanic ( n =68). 相似文献
87.
当前美国外交政策表现出明显的保守性,这有它深刻的国内根源,主要是官僚政治因素、地理与人口因素和宗教派别因素。在反恐问题、伊拉克问题、北朝鲜核问题、伊朗核问题和中美贸易等一系列美国外交所面临的现实问题上,保守主义的影响都已得到相当的体现。 相似文献
88.
Deborah?J.?Jones Rex?ForehandEmail author Shannon?Dorsey Sarah?Foster Gene?Brody 《Journal of family violence》2005,20(3):141-150
This longitudinal investigation examined main and interactive effects of coparent support and conflict on mother and child adjustment in 248 low-income, African American, single mother-headed families. The findings indicated that coparent conflict was a more robust predictor of mother and child maladjustment both cross-sectionally and longitudinally than was coparent support. Moreover, findings revealed that coparent conflict and support interacted to predict one parenting behavior, monitoring, both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. Coparent relationships characterized by high levels of support and low levels of conflict were associated with the highest levels of parental monitoring behavior, whereas coparent relationships characterized by low levels of support and high levels of conflict were associated with the lowest levels of monitoring. The findings highlight the importance of examining both positive and negative aspects of coparent relationships in this at-risk, but understudied, group. 相似文献
89.
Substantial research has focused on the negative associations between coparenting conflict, parental psychological functioning,
and parenting behavior in European American, middle-income, families. However, less attention has been given to ethnic minority
families and to families that are nontraditionally structured. In an effort to address this gap, the current longitudinal
study examines the relation between conflict with the mother-identified primary co-caregiver and parenting practices in single
parent, economically disadvantaged African American families. Participants included 234 mother–child dyads. It was hypothesized
that conflict would relate to less utilization of positive parenting practices and that this association would be mediated,
at least in part, by maternal psychological distress. Hypotheses were examined using structural equation modeling (Lisrel
8.3): Conflict with a co-caregiver was significantly related to parenting both directly and indirectly through maternal psychological
distress. Implications of the findings are discussed.
相似文献
Shannon DorseyEmail: |
90.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):45-60
ABSTRACT Margaret Fuller's visit to Italy as a correspondent for the New York Tribune at the time of the 1848 revolutions gave her a unique perspective on them, not only as a feminist intellectual but also as a commentator on the American relationship with revolutionary Europe. In her Tribune writings she addressed issues at once more partisan and more global than those she had covered inside the United States, including the political condition of Italy as a subject state under Austrian imperial control, and as an object of ridicule by many American observers, and the condition of American slavery. Italian peoples and slaves, in her mind, were, like women, oppressed by a transatlantic patriarchy whose prejudices allowed only for white males to enjoy political independence. Fuller called for American support for the Roman republic, but her sympathies did not reflect the thrust of American opinion. Many Americans did not believe Italians were capable of maintaining republican self-government, which was different, they alleged, from their own version, part of the inheritance of the American Revolution. That heritage conferred a unique American revolutionary ‘exceptionalism’. For these Americans, the 1848 revolutions provided evidence that Europe was impulsive, reactionary and flawed; they saw in them confirmation of the superiority of American race relations and democratic society. After her death in 1850, the American Civil War would confirm Fuller's implicit sense that the United States and Europe were more alike than many Americans of her generation believed or realized. Her critique of American attitudes to the prospect for democracy in Italy provides perspective on the ambiguity of American global leadership today. 相似文献