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881.
Two recent novels reveal two interrelated clusters of postapartheid anxiety in twenty-first-century South Africa: one type is a dread of invasion, contamination, infestation, and other encroachments of the new, alien, and other. A second set of preoccupations involves subterranean spaces—basements, mines, tunnels—and a distrust of the solidity of built environments. Both Nineveh and Zoo City strip away the surface layers of Cape Town and Johannesburg and show us the layers of infrastructure, mechanization, and human labor that constitute or produce the city itself. But the two novels show us different understandings of the urban “underneath”: Beukes’ imagined Johannesburg is one in which spatial inequalities that seem chaotic, in fact structure the city and allow for social regimentation, while Rose-Innes shows us a Cape Town where spatial structures and entrenched inequality appear to be designed to ward off the intrinsic “entropy of built things.”  相似文献   
882.
This article takes up the question of “crime writing” and rejoins the debate around whether such literature stands in for the “political novel” in postapartheid South Africa. What social function might crime writing be serving? Research by political economists and cultural anthropologists suggests that acts of writing in “social detection” mode (rather than “crime writing”) serve as an allegory for occulted sociopolitical conditions. Cultural difference is seen, once again, to play a pivotal role in the legitimation of power, and writers in the detection mode are correspondingly seen to be probing the possibility of a resurgence of “bad” difference. This notion, it is argued, is a key differentiator in an otherwise murky scene in which the borderline between licit and illicit, and right and wrong, has become obscure. While many South African writers are brought into the discussion, including but not restricted to crime authors, a key novel by leading crime writer Deon Meyer is read as a case study to illustrate the more general points made in the article.  相似文献   
883.
In 1926, the United States (US) company Firestone Rubber in Akron, Ohio initiated a second practice of segregation in Liberia. The first practice began with the minority regime of the Afro-American settlers over 17 ethnic groups in the Republic of Liberia in 1847. Civil rights were unheard of in Liberia during either of these two periods. This changed when Liberian students travelled to the US on government scholarships, primarily to study in historical black colleges and universities (HBCUs) in the 1940s and 1950s. When the Liberian students were exposed to the Civil Rights Movement, they fully understood the injustice of the situation in Liberia. Dr Martin Luther King, Jr and others travelled to the Gold Coast for its transition into becoming the nation of Ghana on 6 March 1957. Meetings between King and Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah led to collaborative efforts towards ending colonial racism in Africa and segregation in the US. During the Cold War, segregation in the US and Liberia was a source of shame for both nations. Liberian students returning from the US began “sit-ins” in protest against segregated Firestone facilities. The Liberian government responded by enacting its first Civil Rights Act against Firestone in 1958 and ending discrimination, except in segregated schools. This article shows, however, that it took more than another 30 years for the first decolonisation process to end the minority regime after the Civil Rights Acts of 1958, and to end the original form of ethnic segregation, which began in 1847 and ended as a result of the violent civil wars of the 1980s and 1990s.  相似文献   
884.
Notes     
This article examines the evolution of the inter-territorial university policy in East Africa that culminated in the establishment of the regional University of East Africa (UEA) serving Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania; it further explores the causes of the collapse of the regional university in the late 1960s. The inauguration of the UEA in June 1963 exemplified the determination by Britain to maintain its influence in East Africa as the region entered the independence era. Britain sought to use the UEA as a centre for intellectual and ideological indoctrination of the regional elites that it had started to forge in 1949 following the establishment of Makerere University College in Uganda as an inter-territorial institution for East Africa. Unlike the Makerere elites who were to serve as agents of the British in the colonial era, the products of UEA would become allies of Britain in the independence era and thus serve as crucial cogs in the emerging neocolonial relations between Britain and the East African nations. This article demonstrates how the transformed political landscape after independence undermined the UEA, signalling not only the weakening of the bonds of cohesion among the East African states but also the waning fortunes of Britain in the region.  相似文献   
885.
This article considers how Nelson Mandela’s immediate family members intellectualised themselves within his legacy when he was terminal and upon his death. These specifics sublimate and set him apart from the eulogising tendency such as it has energised the scholarship on him. The tactics highlight tradition as an analytical category. Citing succession as a key episteme, the discussion delineates how tradition rarefies in non-hegemonic, mobile and fragile subject positions. In this approach, the paper invokes subtleties in the African Customary Law of Succession in South Africa.  相似文献   
886.
Abstract

One of the most effective cultural tools used by the colonial governments in Africa to make their rule acceptable to African indigenous populations was film. In Rhodesia (now known as Zimbabwe) the colonial government created the Central Film Unit whose major aim was to teach Africans new agricultural methods. The response by Africans to this colonial initiative was mixed. Some welcomed and enjoyed the films and made use of the skills that the films popularised, but others were cynical and viewed these films as a tool to consolidate British white settler rule in Rhodesia. This article analyses six colonial films produced in the 1940s and 1950s. The article argues that through the use of colonial films, the Rhodesia government was able to persuade African communal farmers to adopt modern methods of farming. The irony of this is that the use of modern farming methods made it possible for the same colonial authorities to later blame Africans for the ecological disaster in the communal areas.  相似文献   
887.
Abstract

At the turn of the century there was sheer optimism that ‘Africa's time’ to address all its problems had come, and as a result the 21st century was widely hailed as the ‘African century’ (Ban 2008; Makgoba 1999; Mbeki 1999; O'Reilly 1998; Zoellick 2009). This pronouncement was accompanied by the parallel call for the African Renaissance, which challenged many institutions to align themselves with this ‘crucial phase’ in the history of Africa. In the process, expressions such as ‘de-Westernisation’, ‘Africanisation’, ‘indigenisation’ and ‘domestication’ became buzz-words. Yet, after almost a decade of such claims, there appears to be very little, if anything, gained from these confident pronouncements. This article is situated within embryonic debates on the Africanisation of the curricula. The article explores the current thinking on journalism education (the teaching of journalism) and practice (the practice of journalism) in the country, with a view to furthering our understanding of journalism agility deemed important for the ‘African century’. It further explores the opportunities and limitations of situating journalism education and journalism practice within the discourse of the African Renaissance. The key data that form the basis of this article were collected through interviews and an open-ended questionnaire from a sample consisting of journalists, journalism educators and senior journalism students. The findings point to the need to rethink journalism education and journalism practice, given the trends of globilisation and the equally compelling need to Africanise.  相似文献   
888.
Abstract

In this article I examine the extent of the South African broadcasting sector's independence and accountability since Thabo Mbeki became president in 1999. I trace how the independence of two institutions – the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (Icasa) and the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) – has been eroded over this period. While initially the government justified this erosion as being necessary to attain developmental objectives in the context of a globalising economy, more lately there have been attempts to justify greater state control of content. Icasa has been subjected to greater direct executive control, and there are attempts to intensify this control, while the executive exercises indirect control over the SABC. Greater accountability to the state has been accompanied by a decline in public accountability. I conclude by arguing that the experiences with Icasa and the SABC give credence to the argument made by several international NGOs that media freedom in South Africa is declining, in spite of official protestations to the contrary. I also argue that this control has damaged the integrity of these institutions, and that this integrity must be restored now that Mbeki's presidency is coming to an end.  相似文献   
889.
Solar power in the North African region has the potential to provide electricity for local energy needs and export to Europe. Nevertheless, despite the technical feasibility of solar energy projects, stakeholders still perceive projects in the region as risky because of existing governance issues. Certain areas of solar projects, such as construction, operation and management, are the most prone to governance risks, including lack of transparency and accountability, perceived as barriers for deployment of the projects. It is likely that large-scale foreign direct investment into solar energy will not eliminate existing risks, but might even increase them. Furthermore, the recent political changes in the region have addressed some governance risks but not all of them, especially bureaucratic corruption. Stakeholders recommend a broad set of measures to facilitate development of solar projects in the region, ranging from auditing of individual projects to simplification and unification of bureaucratic procedures.  相似文献   
890.
The purpose of this article is to examine the attitudes and substance use behaviors of African American adolescents living in the Midwest. A baseline survey was administered to 463 African American teens between the ages of 11–19. The article examines the relationship between attitudes toward drugs and drug-using behavior in this African American sample. Drug use will be compared to national drug use norms established by the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance Survey. Overall participants had fairly negative attitudes toward drugs. Sixty percent of the sample reported that they were committed to a drug-free life, 74% had made a decision to stay away from marijuana, 79% reported making a decision not to smoke cigarettes, and 71% reported they would not get drunk in the next year. Females were more likely to stay away from marijuana than males. In this current study there is cause for alarm; participants reported higher percentages of ever smoking cigarettes and marijuana than the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance Survey. This study shows there is a need to provide substance abuse prevention programs for African American adolescents. Limitations and future directions are also discussed.  相似文献   
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