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101.
<正> 本文运用多元线性回归分析的方法,对74例成人汉族男性胸骨(19~48岁)的形态变化与年龄的关系进行了研究。通过胸骨上选定的7个形态变化标志点,依其各自的形态变化规律,制定出相应的等级评分标准。根据此标准对74例胸骨标本进行了观察评分。然后将所得原始数据和年龄一起输入电子计算机,求出由胸骨形态变化,计算年龄的多元回归方程: =10.78+0.82X_1+0.85X_2+0.80X_3+0.38X_4+2.51X_5+0.64X_6+3.02X_7±2.45 经方差分析表明P<0.01,回归高度显著。本文提出的胸骨判定年龄的方法,在无名尸骨的法医学鉴定中,具有实用价值。 相似文献
102.
London elected a Muslim mayor in 2016, less than a year after Germany took the lead in welcoming Syrian refugees. What accounts, then, for political leaders’ public assertions of the death of multiculturalism and the resurgence of far-right parties? We examine the possibility that some areas of multicultural policy foster a sense of discrimination on the part of majority populations and reduce their sense of safety, putting pressure on political leaders for assurances and providing the impetus for populist political party agendas, even to the point of Brexit. Data from the Banting/Kymlicka Multiculturalism Policy Index project and from the European Social Survey allow us to explore the impact of specific areas of multicultural policy on those who identify as majority group members, ethnic minorities, and Muslims in fourteen European states. We provide a quantitative multivariate analysis of the influence of key areas of state-level multicultural policy on individuals’ sense of being in a group that is discriminated against, as well as their feelings of safety, satisfaction with life, and satisfaction with the national government. Background factors, including respondents’ education, are controlled. For each of the three groups of respondents, the article offers conclusions as to which areas of multicultural policy seem to contribute to the most adverse reactions. Our findings help to explain the backlash against multiculturalism and the shift in focus in European states toward “mainstreaming” integration programs. They also provide a contextual background for understanding the increasing sway of rightist party demands and cautions for the development of programs to counter violent extremism. 相似文献
103.
意大利户户送有限责任公司算法歧视案所涉及的众多理论问题中,以户户送有限责任公司平台使用的算法是否对骑手造成歧视为核心。博洛尼亚法院的判决从骑手是否受反歧视法律的保护、歧视的含义以及平台算法对骑手的影响是否构成歧视等角度层层深入说理论证,最终认定该平台使用的算法构成间接歧视,并要求户户送有限责任公司支付原告三个工会组织5万欧元的惩罚性赔偿。该判决是欧洲针对算法歧视做出的第一个判决,在认定算法歧视、保护骑手权利以及确认惩罚性损害赔偿方面具有重要意义。 相似文献
104.
105.
Morris B. Kaplan 《Liverpool Law Review》2008,29(1):37-50
My purpose in this article is to address issues that arise with the emergence of “hate crime” law as a response to violence
against historically subordinated groups, with particular reference to gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgendered (henceforth “GLBT”),
and otherwise queer citizens. The specific jurisdictional context of my reflection is the USA but the issues I raise have
significance beyond that context. Increasingly in recent years hate crime legislation has been adopted or proposed in the
US as well as other jurisdictions as a response to bigotry and violence directed against minority groups in multi-cultural
societies. In 2006 in the UK, proposals to outlaw “incitement to religious hatred” were hotly debated. In 2008 demands are
being made to extend the ‘incitement laws’ to include incitement to homophobic hatred. In 2007 in the US the Senate and House
of Representatives in Washington DC passed an Act, which some described as the Matthew Shepard Act, to promote and enhance
the use of the criminal law against perpetrators of crimes motivated by hatred based on perceived sexual orientation and gender
identity. Ultimately the Act failed to become law. The debates in the UK and US provide the backdrop against which I want
to examine the arguments for and against hate crime legislation, both generally and with specific application to queer citizens.
This require us to think again about the relation of queer citizens to the state, the reach of political equality and human
rights, and the aims and limits of the criminal law and system of “criminal justice”.
相似文献
Morris B. KaplanEmail: |
106.
Legitimating Racial Discrimination: Emotions, Not Beliefs, Best Predict Discrimination in a Meta-Analysis 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Investigations of racial bias have emphasized stereotypes and other beliefs as central explanatory mechanisms and as legitimating
discrimination. In recent theory and research, emotional prejudices have emerged as another, more direct predictor of discrimination.
A new comprehensive meta-analysis of 57 racial attitude-discrimination studies finds a moderate relationship between overall
attitudes and discrimination. Emotional prejudices are twices as closely related to racial discrimination as stereotypes and
beliefs are. Moreover, emotional prejudices are closely related to both observed and self-reported discrimination, whereas
stereotypes and beliefs are related only to self-reported discrimination. Implications for justifying discrimination are discussed.
相似文献
Susan T. FiskeEmail: |
107.
This paper focuses on shifts in the age distribution of homicide offending in the United States. This distribution remained
remarkably stable with small but significant changes over a long period of time. Then between 1985 and 1990 the rates of homicide
offending doubled for 15-to-19 year olds and increased nearly 40% for 20-to-24 year olds, while the homicide offending rates
decreased for those over 30. In addition to this “epidemic of youth homicide,” which lasted through the mid-1990s, there have
been systematic changes in the age distribution of homicide in the United States associated with cohort replacement over the
past 40 years. We introduce an estimable function approach for estimating the effects of age, period, and cohort. The method
allows us to assess simultaneously the impacts of periods and cohorts on the age distribution of homicide offending. We find
that although the age curve remains relatively stable, there are shifts in it associated systematically with cohort replacement.
Cohort replacement accounts for nearly half of the upturn in youth homicides during the epidemic of youth homicides, but a
significant fraction of that upturn is not associated with cohort replacement.
相似文献
Robert M. O’BrienEmail: |
108.
Introducing the special issue on ‘Families, Foreignness and Migration. Now and Then’, this essay starts from the observation that in Western Europe migrating with or without one's family in the last century was increasingly shaped by state policies. As a result, migrants' identities and family experiences not only depended, and still depend, on their cultural backgrounds but also on very time-specific politics of foreignness and citizenship. The essay's main argument is that comparing and deconstructing perceptions, policies and practices of ‘family’ and migration help to overcome the limited attention given to age and kin in the study of gender and migration. From an overview of contributions to this interdisciplinary issue, it is clear that deconstructing ‘family’ in migration studies should be developed further along three axes: child migration, the multi-level analysis of family and migration, including societies of origin and migrant organizations, and the comparison of ‘visible’ and ‘invisible’ migrants, which contributes to uncovering the relationship between foreignness, gender and age. 相似文献
109.
《Science & justice》2020,60(6):522-530
During long-term missing children cases, forensic artists construct age-progressions to estimate the child’s current appearance. It is commonly believed that incorporating information about the child’s biological relatives is critical in accurately estimating the child’s current appearance. However, some evidence suggests that predicting appearance based on inheritance of features may be error prone. The present studies examine whether age-progressions constructed with the aid of a biological reference photos led to better recognition than those constructed without a biological reference. We also investigated whether there would be any variation depending on the age-range of the age-progressions. Eight professional forensic artists created age-progressions based upon photographs provided by each of our eight targets. Half of their age progressions with the aid of parental reference photos and half without parental reference photos. Furthermore, half were age-progressed across a longer age-range (5–20 years) and half covered a shorter age-range (12–20 years). In Experiment 1 similarity scores were higher over shorter age-ranges. Further, across longer age-ranges age-progressions created with the aid of a parental reference were lower than those without a reference. In Experiment 2 recognition performance was higher across shorter age-ranges. Additionally, across longer age-ranges age-progressions created with the aid of a parental reference were recognized worse than those without a reference. These results suggest that in long-term missing person cases, forensic artists may benefit from not relying on biological references. Finally, consistent with previous research (e.g. Lampinen et al., 2012) age-progressions provided no benefit over using outdated photographs. 相似文献
110.
Hannes Weber 《国际相互影响》2019,45(1):80-112
A popular hypothesis in international studies states that a “youth bulge”––an age pyramid dominated by large cohorts between 15 and 29 years of age––increases the risk of political violence. However, empirical evidence on this link remains inconclusive to date. In this article, we systematically assess the youth effect using new data from 183 countries between 1996 and 2015. We find that within countries, a decrease in the youth ratio is generally associated with a decrease in the number of violent deaths from terrorism or other internal conflicts, and vice versa. This is also confirmed in out-of-sample predictions. However, the association is not evident in all constellations and sensitive to modeling issues. In particular, large cohorts of young males can become a disruptive power in countries that increase enrollment in post-primary education. Although this is usually followed by fertility decline, youth bulges often remain at record levels for quite some time due to high birth rates in the past. Strong labor markets can in general suppress the detrimental consequences of youth bulges. However, the combination of growing youth cohorts and educational expansion often leads to increased political violence even in the presence of low youth unemployment. 相似文献