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921.
This study contributes to an understanding of the diversity of agrarian systems in the mountainous regions of northern Vietnam. By examining over 100 small family farms, we identified the major changes in production systems that have occurred over the last 50 years. Access to land, population migration, and individual initiative were the three major factors driving household differentiation. State policies had substantial impacts on all three factors, making the State the key driving force of differentiation. After years of central planning, farmers are now free to make their own choices as they interact with their new environment: the market economy. Effective farmers' organizations need to be established to provide farmers with the information and decision-making tools they need to adjust their production to fit the market. Somewhere between State control and total independence, community-based natural resource management schemes are needed to ensure that small family farms in the isolated mountainous areas are sustainable in the face of ineluctable macroeconomic changes. 相似文献
922.
Pak Nung Wong 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(4):584-609
With respect to the major approaches of state-society relations and Chinese business networks in Southeast Asia, two knowledge gaps are identified. First, little is known about how two sets of dualistic conceptual entities may be connected in the often-contentious state formation process between: (1) the ruling minority and ruled majority; and (2) the nationalising state and grain-producing frontiers. Second, very little is known about the role that the Chinese business networks played and how they contributed to the state formation processes. Using a Philippine trans-local grain-trading network as a site of investigation, the paper seeks to fill these knowledge gaps by delineating an integrative approach – designated as rhizomatic political economy – which argues that Southeast Asian state formation may hinge on the instrumentalisation of Chinese business networks and what is identified as their rhizomatic power/knowledge system. They are not just business-brokers in the trans-local grain trade that connects the national capital and grain-producing locales, but also serve as political brokers to implement state measures in regards to food and interior security affairs. 相似文献
923.
Judith Beyer 《Central Asian Survey》2013,32(4):432-447
In May 2005, after a tumultuous parliamentary election campaign had led to factionalism among the village population, village elders in northern Kyrgyzstan formed the cooperative Yiman Nuru (Light of Faith). The institution, which is headed by the local imam, was set up with the explicit aim to restore harmony and unity among all villagers. This article deals with how people in rural Kyrgyzstan try to achieve a state of well-being for themselves. Specifically, it analyses a chart the elders created upon forming the cooperative, in which they order their social and economic practices, their moral duties and responsibilities vis-à-vis other villagers, as well as their relationship with state actors, along the lines of three moral concepts: harmony, unity, and moral conduct. This chart provides a unique opportunity to probe into people's reflexivity and their own ways of reasoning about the meaning of well-being. 相似文献
924.
This article shows how wildlife and marine conservation in Tanzania lead to forms of ‘green’ or ‘blue grabbing’. Dispossession of local people's land and resources has been gradual and piecemeal in some cases, while it involved violence in other cases. It does not primarily take the usual form of privatization of land. The spaces involved are still formally state or village land. It is rather the benefits from the land and natural resources that contribute to capital accumulation by more powerful actors (rent-seeking state officials, transnational conservation organizations, tourism companies, and the State Treasury). In both cases, restrictions on local resource use are justified by degradation narratives, while financial benefits from tourism are drained from local communities within a system lacking in transparent information sharing. Contrary to other forms of primitive accumulation, this dispossession is not primarily for wage labour or linked to creation of a labour reserve. It is the wide-open spaces without its users that are valued by conservation organizations and the tourism industry. The introduction of ‘community-based conservation’ worked as a key mechanism for accumulation by dispossession allowing conservation a foothold in village lands. This foothold produced the conditions under which subsequent dispossessions could take place. 相似文献
925.
Andrea M. Collins 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(5):903-906
In a widely read paper, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, World Bank and others propose systematic property rights formalization as a key step in addressing the problems of irresponsible agricultural investment. This paper examines the case of Cambodia, one of a number of countries where systematic land titling and large-scale land concessions have proceeded in parallel in recent years. Cambodia's experience exemplifies the challenges of the ‘formalization fix’ – the proposition that property formalization constitutes a preferable front-line defense against land grabbing – and highlights formalization's uneven geography as an issue that has yet to generate adequate discussion internationally. Three dimensions of Cambodia's less-than-successful formalization fix efforts stand out: (1) the spatial separation of systematic land titling and agribusiness concessions that emerged during the 2000s and has only recently begun to be addressed; (2) the deployment of property formalization as a means of land grabbing, especially when applied selectively and unevenly; and (3) the political arena of efforts to legitimize ‘state land’. The paper questions the formalization fix as a policy solution, and argues for both greater spatial transparency in property formalization efforts throughout the global South, and greater attention to the problem of unmapped state land in general. 相似文献
926.
Hira Singh 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):91-134
On the basis of empirical evidence from the princely states of Rajasthan, it is argued here that Subaltern Studies discourse about peasants and peasant movements in colonial India is seriously flawed, mainly due to its symptomatic underestimation of the significance of land relations. A close scrutiny of its epistemological assumptions reveals that Subaltern Studies is elite (Brahmanical-bourgeois) ideology and revisionist historiography (anticipated by contemporary conservative historians of the French Revolution). Its claim to reconcile epistemologically irreconciliable positions is intellectually unsustainable. 相似文献
927.
建设效能型政府是任何一个现代国家政府建设的目标。理清政府效能的含义是建设效能型政府的关键。政府效能是继政府效率之后于二十世纪兴起的概念及一系列评价政府的综合性指标。建设效能型政府更要了解影响政府效能的因素,才能制定合理有效的提高政府效能的措施。纵观当今民主国家,政府效能深受国家与社会关系、政治合法性、政治制度和政治决策方式与方法的影响。深入研究以上四方面对政府效能的影响将为建设效能型政府提供理论指引。 相似文献
928.
针对我国交通肇事现状,危险驾驶行为按照交通肇事罪加以定罪量刑,不能体现罚当其罪。建议在立法上增设\"危险驾驶罪\",将危险驾驶行为犯罪化,以明确国家对此类行为的否定性评价,从而对危险驾驶行为进行有效遏止,实现公平正义。 相似文献
929.
商誉价值受多种因素共同作用,同时商誉价值依附于企业,具有不可确指性。在充分考虑商誉特性、影响商誉的各类因素及企业经营风险的基础上,论文将不确定性区间决策矩阵及求解应用于商誉区间价值动态评估模型的构建并进行实证检验,从而使商誉评估价值更加客观、合理。 相似文献
930.
LAURA RIVAL 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1997,16(2):137-151
Abstract— Recent work in the anthropology of practice shows that cultural transmission is a complex and active process rooted in everyday activity. It follows that cultural continuity depends more on understanding in practice than on the internalisation of collective representations. These insights are used to examine critically the provision of state bilingual education to the Huaorani, a small group of Amazonian hunter-gatherers. It is generally hoped that bilingual programmes for indigenous minorities will protect their linguistic and cultural rights. However, by neglecting ‘culture in practice’ and reducing culture to language, these programmes foster the emergence of a discursive identity at odds with the cultural continuity of nomadic and egalitarian indigenous groups. This case study is used to discuss some recent analyses of the politics of cultural identity and difference. It is argued that current thinking fails to recognise that culture is acquired and transmitted within communities of practice. 01997 Society for Latin American Studies. 相似文献