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101.
Social citizenship in the classical sense of T.H. Marshall has been declared to be eroded and to have lost its significance. The introduction to this special issue challenges this assumption and argues that recent anthropological work on social citizenship in post-colonial, post Cold War and post-socialist states have shown that social citizenship is relevant and is being claimed by citizens of these states. Historical notions of citizenship as well as claiming rights to state support in return for having worked for the state are at work here. Furthermore the contributions to this issue illustrate how notions and practices of social citizenship compete and sometimes replace other practices of claiming citizenship on the basis of ethnicity, nationality or cultural ties.  相似文献   
102.
National security planners have begun to look beyond reactive, tactical cyber defense to proactive, strategic cyber defense, which may include international military deterrence. The incredible power of nuclear weapons gave birth to deterrence, a military strategy in which the purpose of armies shifted from winning wars to preventing them. Although cyber attacks per se do not compare to a nuclear explosion, they do pose a serious and increasing threat to international security. Real-world examples suggest that cyber warfare will play a lead role in future international conflicts. This article examines the two deterrence strategies available to nation-states (denial and punishment) and their three basic requirements (capability, communication, and credibility) in the light of cyber warfare. It also explores whether the two most challenging aspects of cyber attacks – attribution and asymmetry – will make cyber attack deterrence an impossible task.  相似文献   
103.
法律对屠杀问题的回应,始终在两种模式之间徘徊:一种是以国家刑法为给养来源的刑法上的敌人模式,另一种是源于国际刑法的刑法上的不人道模式。后者更适合屠杀的定性标准,它暗示了在大量死难者面前,对人性的否定。建立刑法上的不人道模式需要回应三个方面的问题:第一,罪的含义;第二,归责;第三,惩罚的实质。首先,根据《国际刑事法院规约》第7条,我们至少可以认为反人道模式中被保护的人性包含着两个相辅相成的要素:每个人的特殊性,以及每个人都平等地归属于人类共同体。其次,在归责问题上,我们不能满足于只制裁处于权力链条最顶端的人,还必须考虑等级体系的所有级别。最后在惩罚实质上,我们不仅要在刑罚制裁上考虑惩罚的本质,而且还需要从修复以及协商的角度看待这一问题。文章最后指出,刑法上的不人道模式成为一个可以实现的、普世的理想,尚需国际法与国内法的合作以及各个学科之间的协力。  相似文献   
104.
抗日战争时期,中国共产党及其领导的抗日军民是全民族抗战的中流砥柱。中国共产党在根据地的局部执政与领导抗日战争胜利的实践过程中,得到了多方面发展,推进政治民主化,政治上逐渐走向成熟;党的指导思想的确立和整风运动统一了全党的思想和意志;提出持久战的战略方针与制定人民战争的路线使得组织上取得了有效地发展和壮大。这对中国共产党的现代化进程具有深远的历史影响,中国共产党在抗日战争时期的成熟、壮大,是中国共产党现代化进程中的很重要的转折点。  相似文献   
105.
This article addresses the unsuccessful attempts to suppress free speech during the Korean War, and in particular explains the attempts to silence three reporters of alleged atrocities by United Nations forces. In the absence of carefully targeted legislation, the three individuals – Alan Winnington (a journalist), Monica Felton (a women's movement activist) and Jack Gaster (a solicitor) ‐ were threatened with or investigated for prosecution for treason or sedition, and Winnington was unable to renew his passport until 1968. Drawing heavily on archival sources (including MI5 files, which unusually fail to redact the identity of one of the lawyers who was reporting to Special Branch about Gaster's activities), the article explores the threat to civil liberties from the administrative as well as the legislative and the judicial power of the state. The article concludes by drawing contemporary parallels, and highlighting the continuing relevance of the writings of Winnington, Felton and Gaster.  相似文献   
106.
This article surveys American literary responses to the rise of Japan as an economic power during the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s, and examines how these responses were anticipated in the writings of the South African author Laurens van der Post. Paying particular attention to van der Post’s autobiography, Yet Being Someone Other (1982), I suggest that the author’s formative experiences aboard a Japanese trading vessel in 1926, coupled with South Africa’s close-knit trading relationship with Japan in the 1980s, enabled a perspective on Japan’s economic ascendancy that was markedly less reactionary than those in the USA. By emphasizing the historical contexts that held true at the time of publication, I situate Yet Being Someone Other in a framework that deliberately circumvents—without necessarily confronting—van der Post’s preferred version of his life story. Rather than “recovering” the author’s ‘place in the canon of South African literature, this article is intended to incorporate the author’s work into ongoing discussions of the representation of Japan and the Japanese in twentieth-century Anglophone writings.  相似文献   
107.
Laurie R. Lambert 《圆桌》2013,102(2):143-153
Abstract

What role did the newspaper play in attempting to influence public opinion in the early stages of the Grenada Revolution and what are the terms in which printed discourses on the revolution were conceptualised? The Grenada Revolution was a discursive political process where branding and narration were necessary elements in securing the revolution’s authority and legitimacy. This paper argues that Cuba functioned as a metonym through which the revolution was translated in Grenadian periodicals. Even before the coup of 13 March 1979 Grenadian media represented the New Jewel Movement—the revolutionary party—as Cuban-inspired and socialist. In order to examine how socialism in general, and the socialist character of the People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) in particular, was narrated, a comparison is staged between two newspapers—the government-run Free West Indian and the privately owned The Torchlight. Competing discourses on Cuban communism are analysed for the ways in which they stood-in for the Grenadian people’s hopes, aspirations and anxieties in the midst of radical political change. Issues including race, gender equality, property ownership, freedom of religious practice and freedom of travel are examined in relation to capitalism and socialism, and the PRG’s efforts to maintain narrative authority of the revolution.  相似文献   
108.
北约发布的《塔林手册》系统回答了国际法对网络战的适用性问题,体现了以美国为代表的西方军事理论界、国际法学界、网络技术专家对网络空间安全冲突的认识和理解。综合该手册为网络行为所界定的95条规则,一方面,对我有积极作用,例如有利于我维护网络主权、驳斥关于网络攻击行为的不实指责等;另一方面,也向我提出了严峻挑战,例如肯定了先发制人实施打击、大规模杀伤性网络攻击的合法性等。研究这部重要文献对我国网络安全利益的影响,对于我维护国家安全,有针对性地加强国际对话,建设中国特色的网络安全理论体系,以及加强国际协作,具有重要意义。  相似文献   
109.
A hallmark of critical criminology is its critique of the traditional definition of crime. For decades, critical scholars have proposed humanistic definitions of crime that bring state violence into the purview of academic criminology—although outside of critical criminology this is a matter of great contentiousness. This study investigates the views of those involved in peace activism, but not in any way associated with academic criminology, about the application of the term ‘crime’ to war, specifically the recent US war on Iraq. Given that there is no existing research on this subject, the article also examines how peace activists define crime generally and whether they believe those responsible for the war should be regarded as war criminals. Not surprisingly, semi‐structured interviews with 13 anti‐war activists reveal significant support for elements of critical criminological definitions of crime but an unexpected concern on the part of some that the application of the term ‘crime’ to war could be counterproductive in efforts to stop state violence. The rationales for this concern, as well as those for other issues addressed in the study, are largely presented in the interviewees’ own words.  相似文献   
110.
《Global Crime》2013,14(3-4):329-350
The State, which during the three and a half centuries since the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) has been the most important and the most characteristic of all modern institutions, appears to be declining or dying. In many places, existing states are either combining into larger communities or falling apart; in many places, organizations that are not states are challenging them by means fair or foul. On the international level, we seem to be moving away form a system of separate, sovereign, legally equal, states towards less distinct, more hierarchical, and in many ways more complex political structures. Inside their borders, it seems that many states will soon no longer be able to protect the political, military, economic, social and cultural life of their citizens. These developments are likely to lead to upheavals as profound as those that took humanity out of the middle ages and into the modern world. Whether the direction of change is desirable, as some hope, or undesirable, as others fear, remains to be seen.  相似文献   
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