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451.
Gabriela Scodeller 《Labor History》2017,58(3):327-349
The political education of workers and their leaders was viewed as a strategic concern in the cold war period’s bipolar world. This article discusses how this issue was dealt with by Latin American reformist trade unions grouped together in the Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers (ORIT, for its Spanish acronym), analyzing the educational policies promoted by its Inter-American Institute for Labor Studies (IIES), focusing specifically on its educational program for trade union instructors. We argue that the nature of the education provided changed, shifting from a rationale based on explicit ideological confrontation to a more focalized technical type of training. We claim that this shift started in the early 1960s, when the Alliance for Progress was launched. 相似文献
452.
黄海翔 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2015,(2):24-31
文化简化主义与语义的欺骗性对等是西方译者英译中华典籍时常犯的错误之一,其特征是译文与原文表面上语言意义一致,但实质上文化意义却大相径庭。就《孙子兵法》的英译而言,译者的选择体现了译者的文化心理,其又通过译者英译的文化表现体现出来。译者如缺乏文化逻辑意识,以自己的心理框架取代现实的语境,就会以自己认为合理的解释来取代源语文化之文化惯约。欲避免文化简化主义的发生,译者须加强自我自反性,厘清蕴含在文化表现系统中的文化逻辑,通过自反的方法达到差异比较与沟通理解之目的。 相似文献
453.
Abstract: This introduction argues that there is a need to engage in a fresh re-reading of Kawabata Yasunari. It proposes several possible approaches, including using Kawabata as a model for understanding processes of literary canonization, a rethinking of his reception around the globe during the Cold War period, and a historicization of his work in relation to the various censorship regimes that existed in twentieth-century Japan. It also provides brief summaries of the articles contained in this special issue. 相似文献
454.
鸦片战争后福建海洋航运业的变化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
鸦片战争后,西方航运业侵入福建,压倒了福建传统的航运业,不仅垄断了福建的远洋航运业,而且还控制了沿海航运。尽管旧式的帆船业出现了凋零,但是福建的海洋航运业并未因此消亡,新的民族轮船航运业应运而生,顽强地生存、发展。 相似文献
455.
Tara Brabazon 《社会征候学》2013,23(1):83-89
The “Blitz spirit” is a popular story about the British public during the Second World War, uniting together with defiance and resilience to overcome the threat of invasion from Nazi Germany. Previous work has revised this wartime story as a propagandistic construction of national identity and popular memory. Therefore, this paper reviews the Blitz spirit as a myth. A critical discourse analysis (CDA) then examines how this myth was retold in British newspapers after the July 7th bombings in London. I examine how this myth was constructed and the ideological role it played after the attacks. Similar to previous revisions of the Blitz myth from 1940, I argue that social and political complexities after July 7th were often suppressed by messages that sought to evoke a sense of “Britishness” defined by a previous generation. Whilst the July 7th bombings were not a case of traditional warfare or attacks carried out by a foreign force, I argue that wartime analogies often supported military responses in the war on terror and evoked a foreign threat. 相似文献
456.
Reviewed by Raffaello Pantucci 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):474-476
Recent years have witnessed a significant increase in the amount of counterterrorism legislation worldwide. The commonly held assumption behind the adoption of counterterrorism legislation links it to the terrorist threat in a state. However, little research has focused on empirically testing reasons driving states to legislate. This article addresses this void by analyzing the puzzle of why states choose to adopt new terrorism-specific legislation. The article presents empirical analysis of the probability of states to legislate before and after September 11, 2001, and is based on a new database of counterterrorism legislation. The findings reveal that before September 11, state decisions to adopt new legislation correlated with the number of terrorist organizations operating in their territory. Since September 11, however, the most significant predictors for the adoption of new legislation have become the existence of previous counterterrorism legislation and the participation of a state in the War on Terror. 相似文献
457.
Erik Ringmar 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):264-283
The Bush administration's “Global War on Terror” has, by both defenders and critics, been characterized as unique. However, as this article shows, there is a long tradition, both in the United States and in Europe, of fighting wars against “savage tribes”—against enemies who fail to make a distinction between soldiers and civilians, and who use terror as a weapon. The problem of how to fight such groups was much discussed in the legal literature of the nineteenth century. This is a discussion from which it is possible to learn contemporary lessons. 相似文献
458.
Mary N. Orgel 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(1):35-45
In this essay, I describe an excursion I made to castle ruins while doing field research on the Spanish anarchist movement. I offer some insights into the processes through which I was able to discover and construct the past in which that castle was built. To do so combined the conventional participant-observer approach used in anthropological research with the Spanish practice of excursionismo , albeit in its radicalized anarchist form. I also relied on the heuristic character of the flaneur that was advocated by culture historian Walter Benjamin. Such an approach allows an observer to linger over historic sites in order to more closely examine what these sites commonly mean, what they mean to some members of the local community, and what else they could mean. Excursionismo is a valuable methodology for rescuing the personal as well as global histories of the past while engaging in what I call "historical loitering with contemporary intent." 相似文献
459.
Over the last twenty years, the prison system, border controls, crime prevention programmes, anti‐terror measures and private security companies have expanded within Europe. This article discusses some of the implications. It will be argued that we are witnessing a paradigmatic shift in the manner in which state‐sanctioned force is employed. The distinction between what is criminal, to be dealt with by the justice system, and what creates a ‘perception of security’—formerly to be dealt with by social policy—is being eroded at both macro‐ (‘war on terror’) and micro‐ (‘public order’) levels. The rule of law is giving way to a security mentality, where force is employed on the basis of risk assessments. Social problems are re‐interpreted as security threats, and met with measures recreating the original threats. This gives the policy field a distinctive rationality of its own. 相似文献
460.
Michális S. Michael 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(1):45-70
This article examines the impact of international conflicts involving the Muslim world upon Australia's multicultural society by studying the Howard government's responses to tensions between Islam and the West since September 11. Specifically, it surveys the Howard government's participation in the ‘War on Terror’, other aspects of Australia's foreign and security policies, including the relationship with the United States, the emergence of immigration and refugee flows as national security issues, and the subsequent impact of all this on multiculturalism and in particular on Australia's Muslim community. At a broader level, the article challenges the argument that foreign policy is inconsequential for social policy, intercommunal, inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations. The internalization of the ‘War on Terror’ has reinforced a negative portrayal of Islam and Muslims in Australia by blurring the dividing line between ‘Islam’ on the one hand and ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism’ on the other. The evidence suggests that government statements and policies, more generally had provoked apprehension amongst a wide cross-section of the Australian Muslim community. A major finding of this article is that unless care is taken, it is not inconceivable that the hitherto harmonious relationship between Muslims and other sections of Australia's community could be unnecessarily endangered. 相似文献