British Understandings of the Sanussiyya Sufi Order’s Jihad against Egypt, 1915–17

Abstract

This article considers the Sanussiyya Sufi order’s 1915–16 jihad on Egypt from a fresh perspective, analysing British understandings about the attack that soldiers and officials fashioned as the conflict progressed. By incorporating aspects of imperial and Islamic history and a focus on British perceptions, the article presents new directions in the study of the war in the Middle East that move beyond the concerns of older military histories. It analyses three key areas of British thinking in relation to this jihad. First, the belief that local fighters joined the campaign as a result of economic factors, chiefly the famine that swept the Western Desert from November 1915 as a result of an Anglo-Italian blockade, and that the order had little support from the local population owing to their policy of requisitioning goods. Second, the important set of perceptions that the Sanussiyya were pressured by the Ottomans to attack the British as part of their overall call for jihad against the Allied powers. Third, the divided nature of British views around the broader threat posed by the order to Egypt and the wider war effort. Finally, it examines the broader religious and ideological context of the Sanussiyya as an organised reformist Sufi order, engaged in a struggle for resistance to and survival against European imperialism—a struggle that collided with the changed strategic landscape of a region rent by conflict between the Ottoman and British empires from November 1914.     

A syndicalist moment? Democracy,insurgent unionism,and the ‘Outlaw Strike’ of 1920

This article considers World War I era labor insurgency through an examination of the 1920 ‘outlaw’ switchmen’s strike, one of the largest rank-and-file revolts of the postwar strike wave. Drawing upon Bureau of Investigation surveillance reports, the article argues the strike represented not so much an expression of a ‘syndicalist impulse’ as a struggle over the definition of the new unionism and the ideological legacy of the war. Inspired by the wartime rhetoric of Americanism and industrial democracy, pressed by the rising cost of living, and frustrated with the failure of the state and their parent unions to deliver living wages, the insurgents briefly succeeded in building democratic, cross-craft unions. The rebel unionists failed, but the ‘Outlaw Strike’ arguably was as important as the later and larger 1922 national shopmen’s strike in the way it highlighted issues of wages, union democracy, and employee representation.     

“Why not love our language and our culture?” National rights and citizenship in Khrushchev's Soviet Union

This paper highlights campaigns for national rights among two non-titular communities in the Soviet Union and places them in local historical contexts. Drawing on archival sources and oral history interviews, the author not only delves into the campaigns themselves, but also explores broader debates about the nature of Khrushchev's Thaw and Soviet citizenship, which was far from an empty concept in the Khrushchev era. Petitioners invoked discourses that indicate both an awareness of national rights and an expectation of the state's obligation to protect them. Oral history interviews with surviving petitioners and community members support the notion that petition language can serve as a reflection of how petitioners viewed their place in Soviet society and interpreted the Soviet citizen contract.     

Passing on the history of ‘comfort women’: the experiences of a women’s museum in Japan

This article explores the activities and experiences of a women’s peace museum in Japan which especially tries to pass on the history of Japan’s military sexual slavery, or the ‘comfort women’ issue. The system of Japan’s military sexual slavery had not been written as a part of history until courageous survivors testified and documentary evidence was unearthed in the 1990s. With few material exhibits of sexual violence, testimonies play a significant role in the exhibitions. Panels displaying the testimony of both survivors and former soldiers try to represent the person as a whole, situating sexual enslavement or crimes as part of their overall life, rather than extracting the harsh experience in an isolated way. The concrete and detailed activities of this privately run museum show the challenges faced by museums dealing with the dark history of their own country.     

The Importance of Blind Forensic Odontology Analyses

Forensic odontology cases examined from 2012 to 2019 at the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) laboratory were reviewed. Five cases from World War II and the Korea War were selected. Three of the cases presented involve dental assemblages, which were built by previous analysts. Postmortem radiographic analyses at the DPAA laboratory of these cases were complicated by the use of an older version of a digital x-ray program and the assumption that teeth placed in the parent bone (maxilla and mandible) did not fully articulate due to the presence of debris at their root apices. Conflicting mitochondrial DNA test results for the submitted teeth and previously believed to be parent bone indicated these elements were not from the same individual. The remaining two cases are examples of how knowledge of findings from other disciplines may sway an opinion and could possibly lead to the rendering of erroneous opinions by the forensic odontologist. Having knowledge of previous examinations or results from other scientists, disciplines, and lines of evidence may lead to a bias in findings or opinions. If not careful, even the best-intended scientist may fall victim to a bias in their opinion/analysis. The forensic odontologist should perform all analysis in the blind, not knowing any information which may bias their opinion, and utilize current versions of digital x-ray software available and their tools when performing their examinations.     

Two post-war paths: popular violence in the Bohemian lands and in Austria in the aftermath of World War I

The study explores the phenomenon of popular violence in the first months and years after the end of World War I on the basis of a comparison between the Bohemian lands, forming the central part of the newly established Czechoslovakia, and Austria, as another successor state to the former Habsburg monarchy. Aside from the continuities, new forms of violence increasingly emerged in the first years after the end of the war, and also the “language” of violence was transformed. While in Czechoslovakia, the framework within which people were learning to understand the new world was shaped by the national and republican discourse oriented to the future, in Austria the collective identities and mentalities were being formed along the lines of particular party political blocks. In both cases, the nationalization and politicization of violence respectively contributed to the emergence of new forms of popular violence; but at the same time they could also be used for its de-escalation, necessary for the re-integration of society disrupted by the wartime experience. However, even if both countries went out from the war on different paths, the violence stayed part of their political culture and it could be mobilized again.     

Amerikanische Außenpolitik im Zeichen des „Krieges gegen den Terror“

The review article systematizes the current academic debate on U. S. foreign policy after 9/11. The main focus lies on different explanations of the causes and consequences of the “war on terror”. Such a problem-oriented approach mirrors the heterogeneity of the debate which cannot adequately be captured by the conventional categories of IR research and foreign policy analysis. It is fair to say that the analysis of U. S. foreign policy as a case of empirical investigation profits from this disciplinary emancipation.     

再论中国抗日战争是十四年

20世纪 30至 40年代发生的中国抗日战争 ,应是 14年而非 8年。日本对中国大规模的侵略战争 ,是从 1931年 9月 18日发动沈阳事变、侵占中国东北就开始的。与此相应 ,中国军民也从那时就开始了反抗日本侵略的军事斗争与救亡运动。从1931年“九一八”事变到 1937年“七七”事变这 6年局部抗战 ,与此后 8年的全面抗战 ,共同构成了中国人民伟大的抗日战争史     

抗战时期章乃器经济思想经世性探微——一位非学院派经济学家的学术取向

抗战爆发后,章乃器对经济问题关注的重点因为战争经济体制的确立与战前有了明显的变化,他兼具经济学家和政治家的身份得以突显。他在抗日期间能更充分地将政治与技术结合在一起。这一时期其经济思想主要体现在下列三个方面：一、显具民本特色的财政思想;二、以充实国力为归宿的战时金融思想;三、以民生主义为导向的工业发展思想。他的思想历程突出了非经院派的爱国人士的意识形态上的政治性取向。章乃器没有明确指责抗战时期国民政府的经济政策和财政金融政策,但是,他的民为邦本的传统性的政治追求却彰显无疑。     

中共对抗战总体战略的影响和战争中的地位

本文论述了抗日战争时期,国共两党抗战战略的形成以及战略实施过程中的作用和相互关系,由此考察两党在战争中的地位,特别是对中共及其军队在抗战第二阶段以后的中流砥柱突出作用从新的角度提出了看法。