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491.
Abstract

This article explores the efforts by Aileen Fitzpatrick, the Australian social worker, who repatriated child refugees from Greece at the height of the Greek Civil War, to reconstruct ‘healthy, happy family units’. I explore several themes. First, Fitzpatrick’s argument for the unification of families echoed the view that the family unit represented democracy and freedom in the post-war period. Second, an appeal to reuniting family became a successful strategy for crossing cold war lines when dealing with several governments. Third, for Fitzpatrick child saving from war and reuniting families was perceived to be essential to democracy, humanitarianism and internationalism. Finally, by taking a biographical approach, the details of the experience of family emerge in new ways. A focus on Fitzpatrick’s strategies suggests family rhetoric could be used to both promote and yet also cross cold war lines. More broadly, this article seeks to embed the history of the family within the general history of the post-war period as a way of highlighting how the ideal of the family was mobilised in rhetoric on freedom, democracy and the future and which in practice revealed the severe challenges facing families after the war.  相似文献   
492.
We report the results of an attempt to identify the supposed remains of a famous World War I (WWI) Italian soldier who was killed in battle along the Italian front in 1915.Thanks to the availability of offspring from both paternal and maternal lineage Y-STRs and mtDNA were analysed and both showed a clear exclusion scenario: the remains did not belong to the supposed war hero.This is the first effort of identification of the remains of soldiers who perished during World War I within a multidisciplinary project aimed at the retrieval of historical and cultural aspects linked to WWI, and the systematic study of the remains of soldiers and ultimately their identification. This last step involves both Italian and Austrian laboratories.  相似文献   
493.
抗战时期,陕甘宁边区在党中央和边区政府的领导下,在以学校教育为主要形式的国民教育得到迅速发展的同时,以社会教育、干部教育为主要形式的成人教育也取得了显著的成绩,不仅提高了边区广大民众和各级干部的文化水平和政治素质,而且也为边区和各抗日根据地培养和输送了大批各级各类干部。  相似文献   
494.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):215-236
This article sits at the intersection of the rivalry, war duration, and bargaining literatures, suggesting that histories of armed conflict between states increase war duration through their effects on the selectorate and the wartime bargaining process. I argue that the historical relationship between two states plays an integral role in the duration of future conflict. Specifically, historical conflict between states intensifies the preference of national selectorates for military victory and narrows the range of negotiated settlements that leaders might pursue while still maintaining domestic political support. I employ Bennett and Stam's (1996) ex ante data set and Crescenzi and Enterline's (2001) International Interaction Score to provide an empirical test of the ability to generalize appropriately coded historical interaction to the topic of war duration. Contradicting earlier studies, the results of this analysis show that a properly operationalized measure of rivalry has significant and positive effects on war duration.  相似文献   
495.
496.
上个世纪50年代爆发的抗美援朝战争,创造了现代世界战争史上以弱势兵力战胜强敌的典范,而这场战争的总设计师毛泽东无论在出兵决策、调兵遣将、战场指挥、还是在组织动员、停战谈判等一系列问题上均表现出了胜人一筹的高超政治智慧。  相似文献   
497.
本文主要回顾抗战时期国共两党两种法律制度共存的历史,总结"一国两制"法律制度形成的原因,探讨其主要内容,并对其进行思考,以纪念抗战胜利60周年.  相似文献   
498.
美国的战略目标与东南亚   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"9·11"事件后,美国全力重返东南亚,这在东南亚及其周边引起了震撼。美国关注东南亚由来已久,但当前政治、经济与安全等国家利益的需要和东南亚特殊的战略地位,使美国在东南亚倍加用心。冷战后,特别是"9·11"事件后,美国将其全球战略三大目标:安全保证、经济振兴和全球民主化,与东南亚结合起来,开拓性地把东南亚在美国战略中的角色定位为反恐第二战区、地缘战略区、经济利益区和民主扩展区。  相似文献   
499.
刘潇 《现代法学》2003,25(1):141-144
格老秀斯以其巨著《战争与和平法》使国际法成为完整、独立、系统的学科,被称为国际法的“鼻祖”,他更是近代西方法学思想家中第一个系统地论述了自然法理论的人。他认为国内法和国际法都应以自然法为基础,国与国之间的战争也应受国际法和自然法的约束。在17、18世纪古典自然法思想家中,他第一个使自然法概念摆脱宗教神学的约束,恢复和发展了自然法的世俗观念,认为自然法代表理性或人的本性。他希望通过他所掌握的法理学、哲学和神学的渊博知识,以其具有说服力的文笔,有助于国际和平的恢复和国际间法律状态的形成。  相似文献   
500.
Although there were six contenders for Labour's Deputy Leadership contest, it was conducted with remarkably little personal animosity. Nor, for the most part, were there substantive policy differences between the challengers, with the notable exception of the Iraq War. Instead, there was a clear determination to 'move on' from Blairism, and an acknowledgement that changes or new priorities were now necessary in key areas of policy, albeit without lurching to the Left or reviving 'Old Labour'. As such, the main differences between the candidates derived from their differing perceptions of the role of the Deputy Leader, and what they would each contribute to the post if elected. The ballot also revealed the manner in which support for the six contenders varied across the three sections of Labour's electoral college, so that each candidate tended to be more popular among one section of the Party, but enjoyed less support from the other two sections.  相似文献   
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