全文获取类型
收费全文 | 622篇 |
免费 | 31篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 26篇 |
工人农民 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 37篇 |
外交国际关系 | 43篇 |
法律 | 231篇 |
中国共产党 | 25篇 |
中国政治 | 38篇 |
政治理论 | 133篇 |
综合类 | 115篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 28篇 |
2019年 | 20篇 |
2018年 | 26篇 |
2017年 | 41篇 |
2016年 | 29篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 42篇 |
2013年 | 87篇 |
2012年 | 50篇 |
2011年 | 32篇 |
2010年 | 33篇 |
2009年 | 41篇 |
2008年 | 37篇 |
2007年 | 34篇 |
2006年 | 31篇 |
2005年 | 31篇 |
2004年 | 29篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
排序方式: 共有653条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
651.
A. Dirk Moses 《Citizenship Studies》2011,15(2):145-159
The burgeoning literature on transitional justice, truth commissions, reconciliation and official apologies tends to ignore the conditions of settler states in which ‘reconciliation’ needs to take account of indigenous minorities. The settler colonialism literature is worth including in the general discussion because it is exceptionally reflective about political theory (the constitutional recognition of indigenous rights) and ethnogenesis (the origin and viability of both settler and indigenous identities), challenging mainstream liberalism, in particular, to account for difference beyond platitudes about multiculturalism. This article highlights the postcolonial critiques of the Australian governments' apology to the indigenous peoples of the country. The authors of these critiques seek to protect indigenous alterity from the Australian state, which they regard as irredeemably colonialist, especially in its liberal and progressive mode. The article suggests that Indigenous political agency transcends the resistance/co-option dichotomy presented in much of the apology's commentary. 相似文献
652.
《Science & justice》2023,63(2):149-157
The identification of long-term missing persons and unidentified human remains is a global challenge. Many people stay on missing persons registers, with unidentified human remains stored for extended periods in mortuaries around the world. Research exploring public and/or family support for providing DNA in long-term missing persons cases is scarce. The aims of this study were to examine whether trust in police predicted the level of support for providing DNA and explore public/family support and concerns for providing DNA in such cases. Trust in police was measured through two widely used empirical attitude scales; “The Measures of Police Legitimacy and Procedural Justice”. Support and concerns for giving DNA were measured through four hypothetical missing persons case scenarios. The results showed more positive attitudes towards police legitimacy and procedural justice significantly predicted support, with the percentage level of positive support across the four case types as follows: cases involving a long-term missing child (89%), elderly adult with dementia (83%), young adult with a history of runaway (76%), with the lowest level of support for an adult with an estranged family (73%). Participants also reported more concerns about providing DNA when the missing person circumstances involved family estrangement. Understanding levels of public/family support and concerns around providing DNA to police in missing persons cases is vital to ensure that DNA collection practices reflect what the public/family support and, wherever possible, alleviate public concerns. 相似文献
653.
Ori Aronson Julia Elad-Strenger Thomas Kessler Yuval Feldman 《Regulation & Governance》2023,17(3):833-850
Public legitimation of legal decisionmaking can be promoted through various strategies. We examine strategies of legitimation that are premised on personalizing the public image of legal agents. A personalized public administration emphasizes individual decisionmakers and seeks legitimacy through familiarity with the character, identity, and virtues of individual agents, whereas a non-personalized public administration projects an ethos of technocratic decisionmaking, seeking legitimacy through institutional objectivity and impartiality. We conducted an experiment to examine the efficacy of personalization strategies in the context of a politically charged legal affair: the criminal cases involving the prime minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu. We focus on people's perceived objectivity of the office of the Israeli attorney general (AG), given exposure (vs. no exposure) to different types of personal information about the AG, and while manipulating the salience of contrasting decisions concerning Netanyahu (indicting him on several counts of corruption versus exculpating him in others). We find that exposure to personal information about the AG decreased the perceived objectivity of his office, compared to no exposure to personal information, regardless of the type of information, decision salience, and respondents' political leanings. Our findings, therefore, support the legitimating potential of the non-personalization of decisionmakers, and show that it pertains to people positioned as both “losers” and “winners” with regard the political impact of the decision. The study further reflects the capacity of nonabstract real-world, real-time, analyses to shed light on the drivers of public trust in legal decisionmaking in politically polarized contexts—an issue of pertinence in many contemporary democracies. 相似文献