全文获取类型
收费全文 | 363篇 |
免费 | 23篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
工人农民 | 12篇 |
世界政治 | 47篇 |
外交国际关系 | 48篇 |
法律 | 128篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 13篇 |
政治理论 | 92篇 |
综合类 | 14篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 15篇 |
2019年 | 20篇 |
2018年 | 23篇 |
2017年 | 26篇 |
2016年 | 13篇 |
2015年 | 20篇 |
2014年 | 14篇 |
2013年 | 107篇 |
2012年 | 21篇 |
2011年 | 16篇 |
2010年 | 11篇 |
2009年 | 18篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 15篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有386条查询结果,搜索用时 78 毫秒
341.
The expansion of the global economy and the governance deficit it has generated raise questions about the possibilities for regulating the practices of participants in global production networks. This paper focuses on the regulation of industrial relations in Cambodia's textile and garment industry – a unique ensemble of state, trade union, private sector and international institutions that is promoted as a “fair model of globalisation.” We track the trajectory of Cambodia's industrialisation and insertion into the global economy over three interrelated phases: first, the beginnings of export-orientated garment production in the mid- to late 1990s; secondly, the promotion of Cambodia as an “ethical producer” from 1999; and, thirdly, privileging “competitiveness” in global production networks over labour compliance for its advantage. In doing so we centre our analysis on the complex intertwining of global production, the genesis of the unique ensemble of actors in Cambodia and the anomaly of Cambodia's labour movement. 相似文献
342.
Decision-making in emergencies requires non-traditional approach and tools characterized by non-hierarchical structure and flexibility. The dynamic environment of disasters makes it imperative to invest in inter-sector and inter-agency cooperation and coordination. Focusing on the Emergency Management Assistance Compact's (EMAC) response to Hurricanes Katrina and Rita in 2005, this article examines the decision-making structure of the agreement. EMAC is an inter-state mutual aid agreement that facilitates sharing of resources during and after disasters. While EMAC's overall decision-making performance was relatively satisfactory and flawless, investment in communication, trust-building, and eradication of inter-agency value differences and discrepancies is imperative. 相似文献
343.
Ingo Bode 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(2):61-72
Over many years now, the concept of “network” or “new governance” pervades the literature on public administration. It suggests a growing role for network-based governance downgrading both command-and-control bureaucracy and, if more implicitly, New Public Management (NPM). Challenging this reading, the article explores the relationship between network-based and (quasi-)market governance by investigating the policies of German health care insurance organizations, the so-called sickness funds, epitomizing the international movement towards focal agencies run at arm's length of Government. These policies reflect new forms of hybrid coordination in public service provision, leading into what can be coined disorganized governance and be characterized as a regime of hybrid coordination shaped by a nervous interplay of partnership-building and disruptive segregation, with important repercussions on the overall outcomes in the provision of health care. 相似文献
344.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(6):591-607
Abstract This article (and more broadly this special issue) indicate that various types of policy networks, including governance networks, social networks, proto‐networks, and issue networks are defining the way that policy processes take place in various parts of the world. By focusing on network behavior in Africa, eastern Europe, and Denmark, it is clear that interorganizational cohesion, accesibility, trust generation, and “framing” issues are central to understanding network policy outcomes. Important implications regarding links between network characteristics and democracy are also suggested. 相似文献
345.
RODNEY BENSON 《政治交往》2013,30(3):275-292
In political communication research, news media tend to be studied more as a dependent than independent variable. That is, few studies link structural characteristics of media systems to the production of journalistic discourse about politics. One reason for this relative silence is the inadequacy of prevalent theories. Influential scholars in sociology and political communication such as Jürgen Habermas, Manuel Castells, and William Gamson provide only sketchy, institutionally underspecified accounts of media systems. Likewise, models in the sociology of news have tended to either aggregate societal level influences (chiefly political and economic) that are analytically and often empirically quite distinct or overemphasize micro-level influences (news routines, bureaucratic pressures). In between such micro- and macro-influences, the mezzo-level "journalistic field" represents an important shaping factor heretofore largely ignored. As path-dependent institutional logics, fields help ground cultural analysis; as interorganizational spatial environments varying in their level of concentration, they explain heretofore undertheorized aspects of news production. Drawing on the sociology of news and field theory (Bourdieu and American new institutionalism), this essay offers a series of hypotheses about how variable characteristics of media systems shape news discourse. Since variation at the system level is most clearly seen via cross-national comparative studies, international research is best positioned to build more generalizable theory about the production of journalistically mediated political discourse. 相似文献
346.
Stephen Coleman 《政治交往》2013,30(2):197-214
This article explores what it means to be represented and how the nature of representation might change in an age of networks. Citizens' perceptions of political connection and disconnection are examined on the basis of quantitative and qualitative surveys. A typology of political connection is presented and then expanded on the basis of the discussion of four potentially democratizing characteristics of digital information and communication technologies. 相似文献
347.
The speed and scale of mobilization in many contemporary protest events may reflect a transformation of movement organizations toward looser ties with members, enabling broader mobilization through the mechanism of dense individual-level political networks. This analysis explores the dynamics of this communication process in the case of U.S. protests against the Iraq war in 2003. We hypothesize that individual activists closest to the various sponsoring protest organizations were (a) disproportionately likely to affiliate with diverse political networks and (b) disproportionately likely to rely on digital communication media (lists, Web sites) for various types of information and action purposes. We test this model using a sample of demonstrators drawn from the United States protest sites of New York, San Francisco, and Seattle and find support for our hypotheses. 相似文献
348.
Sean Richey 《政治交往》2013,30(4):366-376
A large literature has established that people learn from political discussion, and some scholars suggest that people will make better choices if they engage in political discussion with opinion leaders. To establish that discussion promotes better vote choices, however, we have to create a measure of rational choice to test the impact of discussion. Recently, scholars have used Lau and Redlawsk's voting correctly measure to test the impact of various influences on the rationality of vote choice. Using this new measure of rationality—voting correctly—I determine whether political discussion has the predicted positive impact. To test this theory, I use 2000 American National Election Study survey data, and show that greater political discussion with knowledgeable discussants leads to more correct voting. 相似文献
349.
Stephan Weichert 《政治交往》2013,30(1):100-102
Political discussion is often seen as a potential shortcut to enlightened voting. If uninformed individuals receive useful information from their discussion partners, then they can make quality decisions at the ballot box without incurring the costs of becoming informed. Discussion partners, however, have biases and these biases are reflected in what they say about candidates. If individuals accept messages from sources with different preferences, they could end up supporting candidates who benefit their discussion partners instead of themselves. This article argues that egos will often accept messages from individuals with an incentive to mislead. Instead of evaluating the messenger, individuals evaluate the messages. When the messages are all in accord, individuals support the candidate suggested by the messages even if the messengers are all biased. This article presents the results of a group-based experiment in which ego networks were exogenously determined by the researcher. In the experiment, egos tend to vote for their party's candidate, but they defect with greater frequency when they receive messages from members of a different party. This willingness to listen to the other side has detrimental effects for the quality of their decisions. 相似文献
350.
Grahame F. Thompson 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):562-581
Do we live in a new information-based networked economy? This is the underlying issue raised in this article. Confronting the claims made that such an economy is in the making provides the opportunity to discuss some ideas about the reconfiguration of knowledge that the interaction of ICTs with networks is providing. The extent and importance of ICTs is analysed and their potential impact on the evolution of economic activity investigated. The question of how to ‘govern’ these interactions is also broached. Perhaps somewhat paradoxically, a key argument made is that the advent of ICTs is pressing networks into a deeper engagement with tacit knowledge and the reappraisal of the virtues of craft production. 相似文献