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11.
Oren Gruenbaum 《圆桌》2019,108(4):345-353
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12.
ABSTRACT

Vulnerability, mainly manifesting in poverty, economic risk and insecurities of life, is a universal problem. There are huge pockets of vulnerability in the developing world, particularly Sub-Saharan Africa. Sub-Saharan African states provide social welfare goods to address vulnerability. Social welfare programmes cost money, hence, there is a need to consider issues of sustainability, particularly, given constrained revenue envelopes. Similarly, while Botswana has posted developmental successes, there are vulnerabilities such as poverty, unemployment and income inequality which demand intervention through welfare programmes. Thus, the objective of this desktop study was to discuss the state's response to vulnerability. It concluded that Botswana funds welfare programmes. However, there are affordability challenges, mainly, a constrained post-2007 fiscal space calls into question the viability of the welfare state. The general lesson from the case is that while the welfare state goes to the heart of the social contract, its viability must be guaranteed through reforms.  相似文献   
13.
ABSTRACT

Representative democracy entails delegation of power to representatives and other actors within the political system. Oftentimes, the delegating party has little insight into the actions of the person(s) to whom power is delegated. Ensuring that the power-holder does not misuse his/her powers is, therefore, a challenge. This article analyses accountability mechanisms through which the delegating party can prevent and detect misuse of power in the form of corruption. The article argues that political institutions contribute towards such mechanisms being available/unavailable to the delegating party. The analysis focuses on the case of Botswana, where executive structures stipulate the accountability mechanisms available to principals. As shown by the analysis, principals have formal access to many such mechanisms. Oftentimes, however, these mechanisms are not applied. The analysis shows that accountability alone cannot explain levels of corruption within executive structures of Botswana but that informal rules also explain the presence/absence of corrupt practices.  相似文献   
14.
ABSTRACT

Despite their recognised democratic successes, Botswana and South Africa have had ambivalent experiences with liberal democracy. It is contended that they fall somewhere in-between what scholars refer to as electoral and liberal democracies; dominant party systems within Carothers’ ‘gray zone’. Two explanations are offered. The first relates to the underlying political culture of the ruling elite: the liberal democratic values of the founders and early elites of both the African National Congress (ANC) and the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) were never fully embedded; instead, their political cultures were influenced by traditions and ideologies with illiberal values. The second explanation focuses on a key feature of a liberal democracy – restraining of power, namely through encouraging an autonomous civil society and limiting executive access to the state. It is argued that for fear of losing their dominant positions, the ANC and the BDP resist restraints on their access to state power.  相似文献   
15.
ABSTRACT

There are palpable cracks in the Botswana economic growth success story, most apparent in the evidence of persistent and extreme inequality. This article offers new insights into the Botswana puzzle by focusing on redistributive policies – taxation and transfers – as potential mechanisms to tackle poverty and inequality. The historical analysis explores how the minimal redistributive policies reflect the interests of the elites and how these actors justify their policy decisions with reference to the needs of the poor – an important electoral constituency; and it links policy developments to social and economic outcomes where no comprehensive social security system and negligible taxations means that only the well-to-do are in positions of income security and only the most vulnerable receive some relief. Diamond-rich Botswana avoids taxing its citizens. In terms of citizen engagement and ability to pursue social justice this may be a mistake.  相似文献   
16.
This paper critically examines the public service media (PSM) in Southern Africa with particular emphasis on Botswana. The PSM, which is considered to be one of the key institutions that needs to be strengthened if the current transition to democracy and the building of an open and accountable system in Africa is to take root, faces many challenges due to its vulnerability to state control and manipulation. After an analysis of the PSM concept and an examination of how the public service media was introduced into and has evolved in the region, particularly in Botswana, it concludes that this medium of communication, on account of its reach, remains the most important means of disseminating information, education and entertainment for the foreseeable future. Nevertheless, it is argued that for it to effectively accomplish these objectives certain important reforms must be carried out designed to disentangle it from the state and make it more independent and accountable. It is made clear that the new PSM model neither requires a public monopoly or public sector control nor that the state should be totally cut off, but rather a new redefined role for the state. The new model is built around at least five fundamental principles that should be crafted into any new media legislation dealing with the public media which will ensure public accountability, independence from partisan manipulation and a level playing field for all political actors.  相似文献   
17.
ABSTRACT

Human rights discourse in health advocacy is largely correlated with experiences of vulnerability, marginalisation and discrimination, with the global story of HIV activism the most visible example. In a domestic context where culture, consensus and belonging are highly valued, both human rights and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people face critiques of being foreign, un-African, new, individualistic and threatening to tradition. Why, when and how do civil society actors draw on human rights to advocate for LGBTI health in relation to HIV in Botswana? I examine this paradox through a case study of the key civil society actor in this sector. I argue that while formal structures and belief shape why the group engages with human rights, when and how human rights are invoked is shaped by perceptions of threat, cultural context, and belonging.  相似文献   
18.
Maria Sapignoli 《圆桌》2013,102(4):355-365
Abstract

This article considers the complex cases of indigenous peoples in three Commonwealth countries in southern Africa: Botswana, Namibia and South Africa. In terms of national-level policy, the governments of these countries do not differentiate indigenous peoples from the rest of their populations. They do, however, have programmes aimed at assisting ‘marginalised’ or ‘disadvantaged’ communities. In this article, three main dimensions related to indigenous peoples’ rights in southern Africa are discussed: national policies, indigenous peoples’ rights, and rights to representation; land and resource rights, including rights to water; and language and gender rights. The paper concludes with an assessment of where indigenous peoples stand today in southern Africa.  相似文献   
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