我国建立理性官僚制的意义及途径

韦伯提出的官僚制的组织形态是与现代化大生产相适应的组织模式。20世纪它在西方社会中获得的成功充分肯定了其不可替代的作用。然而,随着现代社会的发展,官僚制管理逐渐暴露出种种弊端。但是,官僚制中所包含的理性精神、科学化的设计思路以及依法办事的要求,仍对处于转型时期中国行政组织的设计与完善有可借鉴之处。     

西方政策过程理论的最新进展、趋势与启示

政策过程理论研究从一开始就争论不休,而这些争论大致可以划分为三个阶段。在寻求因果关系理论的逻辑下,形成了大量的主流政策过程理论或框架。而今,政策过程理论又有了一些新的发展,包括叙事政策框架、子系统及其超越、决策和官僚机构、政策过程的综合框架等方面的发展。这种新发展及其趋势,对我国政策过程理论的研究来讲无疑具有诸多启示：（1）区分和厘清政策过程理论研究中的关键概念;（2）继承与创新政策过程理论的研究方法;（3）实现行动主体的多元化、精细化与政策子系统的超越;（4）合理把握官僚机构在我国政策过程中的影响力。     

多中心治理：一种新的公共管理理论

多中心治理以自主治理为基础,允许多个权力中心或服务中心并存,通过竞争和协作给予公民更多的选择权和更好的服务,减少了搭便车行为,提高了决策的科学性。从研究方法看,多中心是将诸种社会科学方法有机融入到公共事务治理问题的分析中,将宏观现象与微观基础连接起来;重视物品(或资源)属性和社群 (或人)的属性对治理绩效的影响;提供了操作、集体和立宪三个层次的制度分析框架。多中心治理为公共事务提出了不同于官僚行政理论的治理逻辑。     

重申官僚理性

一方面 ,与工业社会相联系的官僚制在西方国家进入后工业社会后表现出严重不适 ,新公共管理应运而生、方兴未艾 ;另一方面 ,中国却由于“官僚制不足”致使行政中的诸多负面效应凸现。于是国内学界在西方“摒弃官僚制”的号召下 ,积极呼吁引进新公共管理。事实上 ,对官僚理性的批判 ,在中国从来就是一个伪命题。在官僚制的理性精神尚未得到张扬、其合理性的一面远远没有得到充分发挥的情况下 ,妄谈摒弃官僚制 ,不仅不合时宜 ,误导行政改革的方向 ,堕入范式移植的陷阱 ,更背离实事求是的精神     

General Trends and Causes of High Compensation of Government Managers in the OECD Countries

Government managers play a central role in the public administration of countries to support their overall efficiency. The compensation of central government senior managers has received considerable attention in recent years since it has risen in many countries. The public, the media and academia see government senior managers as being overpaid, with salaries increasing in a disproportionate and inequitable way. The literature has analyzed some possible determinants of this socio-administrative issue. However, the political and institutional factors affecting public managers’ compensation are still largely unknown. This study shows that the average compensation of central government senior managers in some OECD countries seems to be positively associated with the average salary of members of parliament (MPs). Furthermore, high compensation of public managers seems to be more frequent in countries with low freedom of expression, of association and of the media, as well as low quality of contract enforcement, property rights and control of corruption. These results may provide fruitful insights into the possible causes of this relation, to support reforms and best practices which can improve the efficiency of the public administration in modern economies.     

Depolitization of Bureaucracy: The Case of Central and Eastern European Countries

Political parties worldwide seek to work with bureaucrats who are close to their programs, willing to cooperate, and concerted. On the other hand, there is a huge body of literature which argues that bureaucracy should be separate from politics and that it has to consist of public servants who are technically knowledgeable, expert, and also politically neutral. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe suffered from highly politicized public administrations under one-party regimes, and have struggled to separate their bureaucracies from politics since early 1990s. In view of the relation between politics and bureaucracy from the perspective of (de)politization, this paper looks into the changes that Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) have gone through after the institutionalization of multi-party regimes and tries to provide some generalizations.     

Elite recruitment and state-society relations in technocratic authoritarian regimes: The Russian case

This article argues that Russia has a peculiar form of authoritarianism that exhibits pronounced technocratic features. The analysis places in a comparative frame the bases of regime legitimacy and the paths to political, administrative, and economic power in Russia. By locating the Russian state in a matrix that considers the ideology of governance on one axis and the backgrounds of elites on the other, the article highlights areas of overlap and separation between state–society relations in Russia and other regimes in the developed and developing world. It also illustrates the ways in which technocratic elites in Russia differ from their counterparts in other parts of the world.     

苏联解体与文明进程——马克斯·韦伯“俄国革命论”的视点

自苏联在1991年末解体以来,学者们对这一历史事件的肇因进行了多种分析。这些分析中,意识形态层面的分析占据了显要的位置。然而,这些分析陷入了同义反复的逻辑错误。与此相对,各种基于事实的分析,往往停留在一种事后的描述上,未能提供有效的说明。那么,从社会科学的角度来看,苏联解体意味着什么?马克斯·韦伯在其"俄国革命论"中提供了一个卓越的视角。     

重审官僚制：理性化假设与实践困境

韦伯创立的官僚制是一种追求既合理又合法的理想化模式,在他看来,合理性存在着两种形式,即工具合理性和价值合理性,他的官僚制理论正是附魅于工具合理性而祛魅于价值合理性的一种理论形态和制度设计,从而导致实践中出现了与其最初设想的背离。在行政环境飞速变化的现代社会,要对理性官僚制进行救治就应从其源头着手,从韦伯的理性化官僚制理论入手,为工具理性祛魅,对理性官僚制给予人文回护,但在为工具理性祛魅的同时,又应当避免陷入另一个误区———为价值理性附魅,二者应是不可偏废的。     

组织进化视野下对企业刑事归责模式的反思

我国传统企业刑事归责模式的典型特征在于:一方面,其包含了企业和企业成员两个主体的归责,另一方面,企业归责适用的是以特定企业内个人犯罪行为为处罚根据的同一视原则。虽然该模式与我国早期单一科层制企业形态相适应,但随着组织形态的进化,企业规模扩大,内部权力去中心化以及组织结构复杂化,企业犯罪出现了不同于我国早期企业形态下新的特征。为此,传统企业归责模式不仅难以公正地对企业及其成员进行归责,还会造成组织无责、惩罚效果不理想等一系列不利后果。在法人社会下忽略对企业组织犯罪的控制需求并不现实,法人刑事责任拟制论应当被否定。相反,有必要构建与企业成员归责路径相分离的、以企业自身过错为处罚依据的组织责任模式。应当依据功能对等原则对组织责任模式进行构建,维持刑法体系的逻辑严谨性,并遵守刑法的罪责原则。