2,4,6-Tri(2′-pyridyl)-1,3,5-triazine for determination of iron(II), Iron(III), and total iron contents on human palms

When iron-based tools, such as knives or guns, are held, traces of iron can transfer to the skin. However, no previous studies have been published regarding the effect of the elapsed contact time on the transfer of iron species with different valences to the palm. Compared with 3-(2-pyridyl)-5,6-diphenyl-1,2,4-triazine (PDT), 2,4,6-tri(2′-pyridyl)-1,3,5-triazine (TPTZ) was found to exhibit a higher sensitivity to iron(II) spectrophotometrically. This work employed 2,4,6-tri(2′-pyridyl)-1,3,5-triazine (TPTZ) and UV spectrophotometry to determine the amounts of iron(II), iron(III), and total iron transferred to human palms from iron tools. It was found that the palmar moisture level was an important factor in determining the amounts of total iron, including iron(II), transferred to the palm. For identical contact times, the amounts of total iron transferred to the palm was proportional to the palmar moisture, and the difference between the maximum and minimum amounts was 12 μg per hand. However, the amounts of iron(II) transferred to the palm gradually decreased over time for low palmar moisture levels, but steadily increased over time for high palmar moisture levels. Additionally, for average levels of palm moisture, the amounts of iron(II) and iron(III) transferred to the palm gradually decreased and increased, respectively, with longer contact times. Notably, this research could serve as a theoretical basis and guide for the detection of trace iron species with different valences on human palms for criminal investigations.     

The Responsibility to Protect at Ten: Glass Half Empty or Half Full?

Abstract

Far from having faded away, ten years after its formal adoption, the responsibility to protect (R2P), is arguably more relevant than ever. In the current overall context of protection crises, heightened in severity by the emergence of violent extremists, R2P has changed the way in which the international community characterises situations that involve protection failures, and has raised expectations about what should occur when atrocity crimes have been committed or are imminent. UN member states now agree that prevention is at the core of R2P, that international action should employ the full range of diplomatic, political and humanitarian measures, and that military force should only be considered as a measure of last resort. While there is continued contestation about particular aspects of R2P – as there is over much older normative advancements, such as human rights – R2P has helped to forge political consensus and build new institutional capacity to prevent and respond to atrocity crimes.     

Responsibility to Protect: Russia’s Approaches

Abstract

Russia’s predominantly suspicious and even negative attitudes toward R2P are closely related to its traditional attachment to the notion of sovereignty, but its reluctance to ‘bless’ the use of force with R2P also serves as a pretext to cover various instrumental goals. Russia’s more assertive foreign policy has exacerbated this trend. Disagreements stem from differences between Russia and the West both in their conceptual approaches to security and in their assessments of specific cases. In particular, Russia has an existential concern over possible application of R2P by extra-regional actors in its immediate post-Soviet vicinity. However, in the conflicts around South Ossetia (2008) and Crimea / Southeastern Ukraine (2014-), there was a noticeable trend to refocus R2P-related arguments in support of Russia’s own actions. By and large, R2P continues to be perceived as a Western attempt to establish certain rules of behaviour which require caution and prudence. Nevertheless, more positive attitudes do not seem impossible. To play a prominent role in the evolving international system, Russia will have to make the R2P segment of its foreign policy more salient and overcome the lag in promoting this concept as a working tool indispensable for cooperative and responsible leadership.     

The discursive construction of intervention: selves,democratic legacies,and Responsibility to Protect in French discourse on Libya

This article analyses French executives' and lawmakers' legitimisations of the intervention in Libya with the aim of understanding the discursive construction of intervention. It investigates the arguments in favour of intervention and the oppositions they were confronted with. To these arguments belong a re-evaluated democratic legacy of France, an identification with the Libyan people, and a debate on Responsibility to Protect and the rule of law in world politics, which have a broader relevance for French actorness abroad. The article applies the Essex School discourse theory and techniques from Interpretive Policy Analysis on executive speeches and parliamentary documents for structuring the debate and for estimating the strength of ideas in their interdiscursive configuration. An ideal-typical explanation of the legitimisation of intervention and of the choice of one policy over another is made. The article argues that going to war in Libya equated to a question of cultural appropriateness.     

In Defense of the Responsibility to Protect: A Response to Weissman

This article defends the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine (adopted by the United Nations in 2005) against critiques by Fabrice Weissman in this journal, and against similar criticisms of humanitarian intervention and human rights norms made by postmodern thinkers in the Nietzschean tradition, such as Alain Badiou and Anne Orford. I argue against Weissman that R2P can be effective in stopping or preventing mass atrocities, and in particular that opposition to military intervention in Syria during the 2013 debates was a terrible mistake. Moreover, the moral ground for humanitarian aid efforts is the same as the basis for forceful rescue from mass slaughter, ethnic cleansing, and persecution (when other conditions of just war can be met). Weissman's critiques misinterpret just war theory on key points and rely on inflated rhetorical strategies inspired by extreme forms of cultural and moral relativism that are intellectually bankrupt—both in blaming “Western imperialism” for most crimes against humanity committed by tyrants, and in leaving hundreds of thousands without the only protection that could prevent their murder and exile. These extreme positions and the strained rhetorical devices used to defend them do not deserve the wide respect they command in some parts of academia.     

"2+1"教学培养模式的构建思考

公安高等教育是为各级公安机关输送合格人才的主渠道,而公安职业教育主要面向市县基层公安机关,培养公安一线应用性专门人才。公安职业教育人才培养模式的问题是新世纪公安教育迫切需要解决的问题,改革的基本思路应是对人才培养目标进行恰当的定位,实行公安职业教育,为公安机关培养一线高素质应用性人才。对此,公安职业教育培养模式必须重新构建准确定位,突出公安教育的职业性特色,课程设置和教学内容要突出应用性和实践性,实行"2 1"教学培养模式是必要的。     

基于J2EE的刑侦综合信息系统设计

公安刑侦信息化是公安“金盾工程”的重要环节,而刑侦综合信息系统是公安信息化建设的核心内容。基于J2EE架构的B/S模式的刑侦综合信息系统的开发应用能够充分发挥公安信息网络的效用,积极推动公安“科技强警”、“技术强侦”战略的实施,为公安机关海量数据采集、存储和利用提供分布式的、分级跨区域的解决方案。     

跗关节免疫法抗镉单克隆抗体的制备

为快速方便地检测环境水样中的镉离子浓度,以Cd-ITCBE-KLH为免疫抗原,采用小鼠跗关节注射抗原法,分2次免疫BALB/c小鼠,每次注射20μg抗原,首次免疫后第20天收获皮下腘淋巴结,采用常规方法与骨髓瘤细胞融合,筛选细胞株,以体内诱生腹水法收获单克隆抗体,纯化后建立了镉离子的竞争ELISA检测方法。结果显示,共筛选了A2G11、A4B8B1C2、B1G5、B4F12五株杂交瘤细胞,采用其中的1株A2G11细胞株建立了镉离子的竞争ELISA检测方法,其工作曲线方程为y=-0.119 5lg[Cd2+]+0.615 4,r2=0.973 2;半数抑制浓度为1.485μg/L,检测范围(IC20～IC80)为0.029～762.676μg/L,最低检测限为0.102μg/L;与其他金属离子的交叉反应≤3.684%。表明用该方法能够有效制备抗金属离子的单克隆抗体。     

五种重要猪病病毒基因芯片探针的建立及其应用

将猪繁殖与呼吸综合征病毒(PRRSV)、猪瘟病毒(CSFV)、猪细小病毒(PPV)、猪伪狂犬病痛毒(PRV)、猪圆环病毒2型(PCV-2)的特异cDNA片段作为探针点制于氨基修饰的玻片上,以这5种细胞毒的核酸作为模板,进行不对称PCR扩增,制备靶物,经绿色荧光染料Cy3标记后,分别与cDNA微阵列的芯片探针进行杂交,杂交信号经Genepix 4000A扫描仪扫描.结果显示,该芯片探针可以特异地与Cy3标记的这5种靶物结合.用该基因芯片对100份现地采集的猪全血样品进行检测,检出PRRSV阳性样品26份,PCV-2阳性样品47份,PRRSV和PCV-2混合感染阳性样品17份,PPV阳性样品5份,PRV阳性样品2份,CSFV阳性样品20份.表明,本试验研制的cDNA芯片探针可以特异地检测这5种猪病病毒,具有良好的诊断应用前景.     

2008～2009年浙江省猪圆环病毒2型全基因组序列的比较和分析

应用PCR方法对2008～2009年采集的99份疑似断奶仔猪多系统衰竭综合征病猪的脾、肺、淋巴结混合组织样本进行猪圆环病毒2型(PCV2)检测,并以组织DNA为模板进行了PCV2的全基因组扩增,克隆后进行了测序。结果显示,2008年与2009年浙江省PCV2的平均阳性率为47.5%,与2004～2006年相比基本持平。随机选取18份阳性病料进行PCV2全基因组测序分析,结果,18个毒株均属于Group1,其中5个毒株(27.8%)属于1A分支,3个毒株(16.7%)属于1B分支,9个毒株(50%)属于1C分支。表明,Group1依然是浙江省PCV2的主导基因型,且1C分支从无到有,并逐渐占据主导地位。