论行政诉讼与行政问责之衔接

行政诉讼与行政问责密切关联又相互区别。就行政主体对行政利害关系人之责任而言,行政诉讼是一种重要的行政问责机制。在行政诉讼承载着监督行政主体及其人员依法行政之功能的前提下,行政诉讼又是人民法院及其司法人员发现行政公务人员违反政纪或法律并依法移送行政问责案件从而启动行政问责程序的重要渠道。《行政诉讼法》第56条就行政诉讼与行政问责的衔接问题有所涉及,但存在诸多欠缺,有待通过构建相关的配套制度加以落实和完善。     

地方领导性别与民众清廉感知:基于中国城市的实证研究

本文从地方领导性别的视角出发,引入代表性官僚理论,揭示了女性地方领导提升民众清廉感知的作用机理.作者对2015年"中国城乡社会治理调查"与城市主政领导背景信息数据进行匹配分析,发现女性在本地担任领导职务显著提升了当地居民对地方政府清廉程度的感知.进而,女性地方领导对民众清廉感知的提升作用主要体现在女性居民中,在男性居民...     

国际网络版权贸易的司法管辖问题

网络版权作品使得国际版权贸易从单一的纸质贸易形式转向无纸化贸易。版权的网上电子商务交易更加普遍 ,由此引起了国际私法领域对于国际网络版权贸易管辖权的不同主张。其实 ,在版权贸易合同方面传统的“意思自治”原则与“最密切联系”原则仍然具有适用的价值 ;在侵权方面“最低限度联系”原则以及由其引申出的“有目的利用”原则显示出了其在网络环境中更强的适应性。     

“受过行政处罚入罪”规定之证成

2013年以来我国刑事司法解释有一明显趋势,即将行为人曾经受过行政处罚的事实作为定罪情节,纳入犯罪成立与否的考量之中。对这一现象,我国刑法学界多从刑事犯罪行为与行政违法行为"质"的差异,或者客观主义刑法观的角度出发予以否定。但是,在我国"定性+定量"的刑事立法模式下,刑事犯罪行为与行政违法行为以"量"的差异为主、质的差异为辅,行政违法性"量的累加"可以产生刑事违法性。"受过行政处罚入罪"的规定综合考虑了行为的客观危害程度和行为人的主观可谴责性程度,不仅不违反罪刑法定原则、禁止重复评价原则和责任主义原则等定罪时应坚持的一些基本原则,还有利于弥补劳动教养废除后的制度空白,调整我国"结果本位"的刑法结构,实现行政处罚与刑事处罚的有效衔接。     

秦汉家族成员连坐考略

秦汉统治者为巩固其统治,继承了产生于奴隶社会的连坐法,并对其加以发展。秦汉家族成员的连坐涉及到父子、夫妻、兄弟姐妹、祖孙、从兄、宗族等各种亲属关系。与连坐有关的罪名有盗窃、罪犯逃亡、挟书、谋反、巫蛊、祝诅、首匿、见知不举、诽谤、妄言、非所宜言、妖言、降敌等。连坐法的施行,是封建统治者维护其统治的需要,也是封建地主家族争权夺利的工具。     

我国行政复议与行政诉讼程序衔接之再思考

受具体国情的影响,各国立法有关行政复议与行政诉讼程序衔接的设置存在较大差别,并在总体上呈现出三种各具特色的模式;同时,公民权利有效救济的基准、司法与行政比较优势的发挥以及司法最终原则的贯彻也是各国制度演进所表现出的共性规律。我国行政复议与行政诉讼程序衔接的设置缺乏统一标准,既无助于行政纠纷的及时化解和公民合法权益的有效维护,甚至还会引发行政权与司法权的相互侵蚀。应当在借鉴域外模式经验的基础上,逐步取消行政复议终局型、重新设定行政复议前置型、严格限定迳行起诉型并大力推行自由选择型。     

The virtuous circle of representation

Theoretical and empirical research shows that political representation is a dynamic process repeatedly connecting citizens and political elites. However, less is known about how citizens alone experience the process of political representation and connect electoral participation with representation. This article combines different literature pertaining to the representative process in a dynamic framework. It explores causality between electoral participation and perceived responsiveness in citizens' minds using unique panel data. By arguing for two-way causality and the existence of a virtuous circle, the paper refines the concepts’ relationship beyond traditional conceptions that currently dominate the literature on electoral behaviour and participatory democracy. The results indicate that the representative process may be a self-sustaining experience for citizens over time.     

推进中国现代化与世界现代化的接轨——改革开放新时期邓小平的一大历史贡献

党的十一届三中全会开创了中国改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的新时期,以邓小平为核心的第二代中央领导集体立足于中国国情及当代世界现代化发展大势,运筹帷幄,推进了中国现代化与世界现代化的接轨。具体表现为：走出国门,了解世界;积极开展对外经济技术交流与合作;实施多层次和全方位的对外开放战略;努力推进对外文化教育的交流;逐步实现法律法规与国际接轨。     

Recurring bills and the legislative process in the US congress

Recurring bills may be interpreted in two very different ways. First, there is the ‘legislative loser’ perspective, which posits that legislators introduce bills repeatedly for symbolic reasons, not intending or expecting them to go very far. Alternatively, there is the ‘softening up’ perspective, which assumes that legislators introduce bills more than once for policy reasons. They first test the waters, making a second attempt more successful. In this research article, we test these assumptions by examining the legislative impact of recurring bill status at various stages in the US House and Senate: initial committee attention, committee passage, attachment to an omnibus package and enactment. The evidence is mixed for the first stage of the process, while the findings for subsequent stages support the softening up interpretation. We discuss the implications for representation and future research.     

Moderate Caucuses in a Polarised US Congress

Despite putting themselves in a thorny relationship with heavy-handed party leaders, some US legislators continue to join moderate coalitions. To understand why, this article derives seven explicit hypotheses concerning electoral, institutional, and strategic dimensions and tests them on two moderate coalitions from the 107th to the 110th Congress (2001–8): the Republican Main Street Partnership and the New Democrat Coalition, along with the Senate's ‘Gang of 14’ during the 109th Congress (2005–6). The article finds that, as expected, a member's ideology and previous affiliation strongly predict who joins these caucuses. What is surprising from the findings is that the constituencies' partisanship does not always predict the legislators' decision to be a moderate caucus member. There is little evidence that more electorally vulnerable members join these caucuses; on the contrary, when it does matter, members from competitive districts appear to stay away from moderate coalitions. Therefore, the findings call into question the prevailing ‘constituency-based’ understanding of moderate coalition membership in a polarised Congress and call for a new examination of electoral connection between moderate members and moderate caucuses.