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41.
肖向平 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2013,(3):17-20
新形势下少数党员干部脱离群众的问题直接损害党同人民群众的血肉联系,危及党的执政基础。、我们从三个维度提出解决的思路：一是确立人民第一理念,教育党员干部用好手中的权力,做到立党为公执政为民;二是以维护人民利益为出发点,解决群众实际问题,彰显执政党维护社会公平正义的价值导向,夯实党同人民群众的血肉联系;三是以科学的群众工作方法为抓手,提高党员干部科学执政、民主执政、依法执政的水平和能力,保障群众工作取得实效。 相似文献
42.
德国HAWLE公司开发的无法兰、无螺纹的闸门和管道配件,目前在欧洲各国饮用水管道中逐步推广应用,其连接方式称为BAIO-SYSTEM(卡口式连接系统),其优点是安装简单,具有抗拉锁定接口,重量轻,储备费用低,可广泛适用于铸铁、钢、PE和PVC管,代表了未来管道附件的发展趋势。 相似文献
43.
曾丽雅 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2008,1(3):14-19
党的十一届三中全会开创了中国改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的新时期,以邓小平为核心的第二代中央领导集体立足于中国国情及当代世界现代化发展大势,运筹帷幄,推进了中国现代化与世界现代化的接轨。具体表现为：走出国门,了解世界;积极开展对外经济技术交流与合作;实施多层次和全方位的对外开放战略;努力推进对外文化教育的交流;逐步实现法律法规与国际接轨。 相似文献
44.
国际社会有关船舶优先权的法律适用规则主要有适用法院地法、适用船旗国法、适用最密切联系原则等几种立法司法实践。本文对这几种立法与司法实践进行了理论评析,建议中国《海商法》做出相应的修改。 相似文献
45.
环境刑法与环境行政法作为治理环境违法犯罪的两种法制手段,均发挥着重要的作用。应重视环境刑法与环境行政法调整范围之间的协调与平衡及环境行政执法与环境刑事司法之间的协调与平衡,以期实现共同保护环境法益、预防环境违法与犯罪功能最大化的目的。 相似文献
46.
Anne-Meike Fechter 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(10):1816-1831
AbstractThe stated purpose of development is often characterised by the motivation to ‘help’ – that is, to intervene in the lives of others in supportive ways. This paper argues that this perspective has obscured how development activities are also animated by its twin desire to ‘connect’. While this holds significance for development more broadly, it becomes particularly evident in a mode of assistance that has gained prominence more recently. These are privately funded, small-scale projects led by individual founders, here described as ‘citizen aid’. Based on ethnographic research among citizen aid initiatives in Cambodia, the paper argues that the relevance of ‘connecting’ has been insufficiently recognised so far. It explores different aspects of what participants mean by ‘making a connection’, including face-to-face contact, direct experience of aid activities, and their tangible efficacy. It also finds that establishing interpersonal relationships across national, ethnic and cultural differences, while potentially challenging, is a key motivation for those involved. Finally, the paper argues that acknowledging the desire to connect questions notions of the ‘distant stranger’ as the archetypical humanitarian object, highlighting the wish for familiarity and closeness as potentially just as important for motivating and directing assistance to others. 相似文献
47.
Miklós Sebők Csaba Molnár Bálint György Kubik 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2017,23(4):465-483
The article investigates the factors shaping the number and content of interpellations, a form of parliamentary questions by members of parliament (MPs) in post-regime change Hungary. Four theoretical propositions regarding the functions of interpellations are examined in this context: political control; policy-oriented information seeking; parliamentary group leadership; and constituency service. A new database of 4096 observations for the period between 1990 and 2014 is compiled in order to analyse these hypotheses. Computer-assisted content analysis techniques and count data regressions are used to describe the text of interpellations in terms of their geographical and policy content. Results show that opposition MPs interpellate more, whereas representatives of single-member districts and regional lists interpellate less than their peers. Representatives from single-member districts and regional lists make more reference to local issues in general, but not to their own district or county. Finally, policy specialisation increases the likelihood of submitting pertinent parliamentary questions. 相似文献
48.
Despite putting themselves in a thorny relationship with heavy-handed party leaders, some US legislators continue to join moderate coalitions. To understand why, this article derives seven explicit hypotheses concerning electoral, institutional, and strategic dimensions and tests them on two moderate coalitions from the 107th to the 110th Congress (2001–8): the Republican Main Street Partnership and the New Democrat Coalition, along with the Senate's ‘Gang of 14’ during the 109th Congress (2005–6). The article finds that, as expected, a member's ideology and previous affiliation strongly predict who joins these caucuses. What is surprising from the findings is that the constituencies' partisanship does not always predict the legislators' decision to be a moderate caucus member. There is little evidence that more electorally vulnerable members join these caucuses; on the contrary, when it does matter, members from competitive districts appear to stay away from moderate coalitions. Therefore, the findings call into question the prevailing ‘constituency-based’ understanding of moderate coalition membership in a polarised Congress and call for a new examination of electoral connection between moderate members and moderate caucuses. 相似文献
49.
Recurring bills may be interpreted in two very different ways. First, there is the ‘legislative loser’ perspective, which posits that legislators introduce bills repeatedly for symbolic reasons, not intending or expecting them to go very far. Alternatively, there is the ‘softening up’ perspective, which assumes that legislators introduce bills more than once for policy reasons. They first test the waters, making a second attempt more successful. In this research article, we test these assumptions by examining the legislative impact of recurring bill status at various stages in the US House and Senate: initial committee attention, committee passage, attachment to an omnibus package and enactment. The evidence is mixed for the first stage of the process, while the findings for subsequent stages support the softening up interpretation. We discuss the implications for representation and future research. 相似文献
50.
秦汉统治者为巩固其统治,继承了产生于奴隶社会的连坐法,并对其加以发展。秦汉家族成员的连坐涉及到父子、夫妻、兄弟姐妹、祖孙、从兄、宗族等各种亲属关系。与连坐有关的罪名有盗窃、罪犯逃亡、挟书、谋反、巫蛊、祝诅、首匿、见知不举、诽谤、妄言、非所宜言、妖言、降敌等。连坐法的施行,是封建统治者维护其统治的需要,也是封建地主家族争权夺利的工具。 相似文献