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211.
A. G. Blomqvist 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(2):147-164
This paper analyses optimal tax policies in a two‐sector model of an LDC, similar to that of Harris and Todaro [1970]. The analysis assumes a small, open economy with a non‐competitive urban wage which depends on prices of both agricultural and manufactured goods. Optimal policies are considered for cases where an employment subsidy in manufacturing and/or taxes on international trade are the only feasible instruments, and where government revenue has an excess burden. Comparisons are made with results obtained by Harris and Todaro, Hagen, and Bhagwati and Srinivasan, for similar models. 相似文献
212.
中国-东盟自由贸易区的建立对于其缔约国的经济发展,对世界区域经济一体化具有重要的作用。但是,伴随其经济发展、贸易交往的频繁,其商贸争端也增多。仲裁作为一种解决商贸纠纷的手段,对区域内经济和谐稳定增长、商贸关系发展良好有着不可替代的作用。本文旨在分析商贸争端的仲裁解决机制。 相似文献
213.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(2):48-68
ABSTRACTAfrican least developed countries LDCs face unique challenges in the implementation of minimum standards for the protection of IPRs, most poignantly illustrated in the field of pharmaceuticals. This was to an extent recognised by the World Trade Organization (WTO) in providing a transitional period during which LDCs are not obliged to implement the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement in order to afford them an opportunity to develop a viable technological base in the pharmaceutical sector before being required to provide patent protection for pharmaceuticals. This article explores some options available to African least developed countries LDCs to use the transitional period in a manner that could help develop their pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity. Rwanda has already shown itself to be a pioneer in the use of policy flexibility available in the TRIPS Agreement and related instruments to fulfil the country's demand for essential pharmaceutical products. Therefore, much of the analysis draws on Rwanda for illustrative purposes. 相似文献
214.
《发展研究杂志》2013,49(2):44-66
This study represents the first enterprise level analysis of the determinants of exporting in transitional economies, and focuses on privatised manufacturing firms in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Employing models developed from the existing literature on enterprise-level trade, results derived from longitudinal data suggest that the most important influences on a firm's decision to export are company size and the non-monotonic, curvilinear influence of managerial ownership and control. Comparisons are made with studies of less developed countries. 相似文献
215.
Anita L Wenden 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(6):1051-1067
In The Real Wealth of Nations, Eisler proposes a holistic view of the economy, which would include the caring sectors—the household, unpaid community work and the environment—as an alternative to market-oriented economic models that have proven ineffective in dealing with the problems facing our local and global communities. Her inclusion of language change as part of a strategy for economic transformation implicitly recognises the socially constitutive function of discourse, a notion put forth by critical linguists. Based on these economic and linguistic perspectives, this article reports on a study that examined the social knowledge about poverty constructed through selected discourses to determine whether they communicate a narrow or holistic view of the economy. It proposes that economic planning for poverty reduction build upon the process of language change towards a caring economy as revealed by the study. 相似文献
216.
The conclusion of the World Trade Organization’s (wto) ninth ministerial meeting – held in Bali 3–7 December 2013 – is at one and the same time momentous, marginal and business-as-usual. It is momentous because it marks the first multilateral agreement reached in the wto since the organisation began operations on 1 January 1995; it is marginal because the deal reached will have only a limited impact on the global trading system; and it is business as usual because the Bali package will be of disproportionally greater value to the industrial states than to their developing and least developed counterparts. We examine what happened in Bali, covering the principal issues at stake and the content of the outcome, what this means for the wto and for the Doha Development Agenda (dda), and why it all matters. We argue that, while the Bali ministerial is significant and the agreements reached important, the conclusion of the meeting and the package agreed represent only a limited movement forward in addressing the fundamental problems and inequities of the wto system. 相似文献
217.
Hironori Sasada 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):224-248
The recent trend of bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) has pressured the governments of many countries to make such arrangements with their trade partners. Since its foundation in 1998, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has advocated free trade policies, partly because the party was an urban-based party. Thus, many expected that, when the DPJ assumed power in 2009, it would implement free trade policies as it had promised in the past. However, the DPJ government failed to deliver on its promise after spending three and a half years in office. It contrasts sharply with the Korean government under the leadership of Lee Myung-bak, which managed to conclude FTAs with its major trade partners, including the United States and the European Union. Both governments' free trade policies faced strong opposition from the agricultural industry, as farmers in Japan and Korea lacked international competitiveness. What explains the reasons why the Japanese government has been struggling to implement its free trade policies, while its Korean counterpart succeeded in signing a number of FTAs? Focusing primarily on the case of Japan and using the Korean case as reference, this study tries to provide an explanation for this puzzle by analyzing the impact of rural votes in the policy-making process. 相似文献
218.
"印太战略"是美国均势+有限遏制+规制+话语诋毁的混合型战略。它意在前沿、中间地带与后方的三层构建不对称的对华遏制性力量,突破中美双边、单区域战略竞争的狭窄战略空间;在多地域与多维度孤立中国,拉拢更多国家在产业价值链、数字经济等层面与中国切割;制订基础建设投资透明化的新标准,嵌入有利于美国利益的规制;通过国际法、舆论等软性手段抹黑中国的"一带一路"与海权发展。虽然共同逻辑都是制衡中国崛起,但日澳印在策略上强调非对抗性。其中避免成为中国优先反制是日本重要的策略目标;印度在拉达克边界冲突后尚没有形成一个完全倒向美国的战略,因为这必定使其背上沉重的战略包袱,成为美国的附庸;澳大利亚作为地缘政治影响有限的中等国家,在美国反华行动中冲在最前列已使其利益严重受损。而"印太战略"与东盟所推动的包容性、合作安全理念也有着本质的区别,东盟要在"印太地区"发挥中心领导作用,定位"印太"为对话与合作区域。所以由于东盟的抵制、印日澳的消极政策,这个战略形成的攻势将很难保持可持续性,其长期前景并不看好。 相似文献
219.
桂静 《江南社会学院学报》2014,(4):17-22
目前,国际社会对公海保护区进行了一定程度的规范,但依然存在着没有直接的法律依据的处境。在此背景下,现有相关公约、条约或宣言等体现出来的法律原则为公海保护区提供了主要法理基础。公海保护区包括不同类别的法律原则,即国际法基本原则中直接与公海保护区有关的原则,国际环境法基本原则以及国际海洋法基本原则。公海保护区是适用于基本原则的领域,同时,它也是基本原则引中和发展出来的具体规则。 相似文献
220.
藏区地理环境特殊,经济、文化、教育发展水平相对落后,其刑事犯罪有自身特点。刑事犯罪的防控工作需要因地制宜。以康定县为例,该县刑事犯罪呈现出较强的季节性特点,案件多与虫草相关,家族仇杀等恶性命案以及赌博、拦路抢劫案件多发,各类劳务、劳资纠葛引发的案件逐渐增多。其刑事犯罪案件发生原因主要有犯罪者个体、职能管理部门乃至社会大环境方面存在的弊端。刑事犯罪的防控需要相应地从上述多方面寻求对策。 相似文献