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91.
侵占遗忘物罪是新《刑法》增设的一种罪。笔者通过对遗忘物与遗失物的对比,认为该罪的犯罪对象不应该是“遗忘物”而应该是“遗失物”。文章在对该罪侵占行为的过程进行考察的基础上,发现对该罪的认定必须以民法上的遗失物拾得制度为依据,该罪与遗失物拾得制度联系甚密。  相似文献   
92.
《行政机关公务员处分条例》的进步与不足   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
《行政机关公务员处分条例》使我国的行政纪律惩戒规范变得更加完整和系统化。在内容上突出了从严治纪;在程序上对行政处分作了详细的规定,这必将推进行政处分工作的法治化。《行政机关公务员处分条例》的疏漏之处主要有:没有规定国家对行政机关公务员违法违纪行为的追究时效;没有明确是否适用于行政机关内的聘任制公务员;行政机关以外的公务员处分工作是否参照其执行也未予明确。  相似文献   
93.
While rural poverty is endemic in the Andean region, structural adjustment programmes have led to a dismemberment of agricultural research and extension services so that they are unable to serve the needs of smallholder farmers. The NGO Practical Action has been working in the Andes to address farmers' veterinary and agriculture needs. The work has included the training of farmer-to-farmer extension agents, known locally as Kamayoq. The Kamayoq have encouraged farmer participatory research, and local farmers pay them for their veterinary and crop advisory services in cash or in kind. The Kamayoq model is largely an unsubsidised approach to the provision of appropriate technical services and encouragement of farmer participation. The model also illustrates that, in the context of encouraging farmer participation and innovation, NGOs have advantages over research organisations because of their long-term presence, ability to establish trust with local farmers, and their emphasis on social and community processes.  相似文献   
94.
This article explores efforts to bridge multi-disciplinary research and policy engagement to tackle child poverty in the contexts of developing countries, based on the experiences of Young Lives, an international longitudinal policy-research project. It focuses on a case study involving the application of research evidence on child poverty to shape policy debates concerning Ethiopia's second-generation Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (2006–2010). The discussion is situated within theoretical literature on the interface between knowledge, policy, and practice, which supports the conceptualisation of policy making as a non-linear dynamic process. It pays particular attention to the importance of understanding the political and policy contexts of Southern countries, rather than assuming that they should simply import Northern-derived models of advocacy. It concludes by identifying general lessons for translating research into social-policy change.  相似文献   
95.
积极、稳步地推进大飞机项目,需要完善的法制保障和配套的法学研究。作为航空法学最重要的学科分支,航空民法与大飞机项目关系最为密切。自觉地把研究内容、研究方法、研究成果纳入大飞机项目视域下,是今后很长一段时期航空民法研究的根本思路。  相似文献   
96.
German influences were seen in every field of Japanese culture after the Meiji Restoration. as for the pre-war constitution, Dr. Hermann Roesler is considered the most important foreign advisor to the Japanese government because the constitution was established according to his plan. Roesler recommended that Japanese politicians strengthen the right of the Emperor and establish the constitution by the will of the Emperor, not by the will of the people.In the enactment of Japan's civil code was to be enacted in 1894 but this code was considered too democratic for the actual Japanese situation. conservative Japanese politicians then tried to established the civil code according to the German model and succeeded partly in doing so.  相似文献   
97.
唐忠民 《现代法学》2008,30(1):18-27
上世纪90年代中期之后,自由主义宪政观理论被大量介绍进中国,为相当部分学者接受。自由主义宪政观否定宪政的核心价值是民主,主张宪政的核心价值是国家权力的有限性,是保护个人自由。他们所说的个人自由的核心权域是私有财产自由,他们所说的国家权力有限性实质是以私有财产制度为基础的经济活动自治性,自由民主政体也不是所谓共和政体而具有鲜明利益色彩,当代自由主义者将个人自由的制度保障寄托于给司法注入政治功能。我们坚持民主是宪政的核心价值,实质就是要坚持大多数人民的利益至上,规范、限制国家权力只能主要依靠民主进行,违宪审查也只能在民主制度的大框架内运作。  相似文献   
98.
刘显娅 《河北法学》2005,23(1):124-128
《法国民法典》是法国大革命的成果之一,但它并没有彻底割断历史,而是在革命的基础上对历史和传统的继承和妥协,尤其是在婚姻家庭法领域表现得十分突出,完全丧失了财产法领域以及债法领域中随处可见的自由、平等的革命精神。从传统的影响、启蒙思想家的影响和拿破仑个人的影响三方面剖析了其产生的原因。  相似文献   
99.
新的《治安管理处罚法》,与旧的《治安管理处罚条例》比较而言,在许多制度和理念上都有了不少进步,尤其在限制警察权力方面进步巨大,但是由于其在我国行政法中具有重要地位,因此对其具体制度和内容进行理论分析十分必要。本文在对《治安管理处罚法》背后蕴藏和体现的秩序、正义、自由三大立法价值评述的基础上,指出了本法目前仍存在的一些行为内容和具体制度设计上的不足和欠缺,希望通过完善其立法理念和制度设计,推动我国行政法理念的转变和人权保护层次的提高,并最终有助于我国法治国家的建立。  相似文献   
100.
Increasingly development theorists and practitioners view NGOs as catalysts of sustainable development. NGOs have been regarded as champions of democratisation and promoters of new ways of engaging in politics, with considerable influence on the development of civil society and new partnerships in environmental and social advocacy. This article analyses the ways in which Costa Rican environmental NGOs (ENGOs) engage in politics, by focusing on their perceptions of their roles in environmental governance and in representation of civil society. The results of this study suggest that the ENGOs' ways of engaging in politics differ little from traditional forms of governance, while their conceptions of engaging in politics without being political are novel. While most ENGOs had no clear conception of the stakeholders whom they were supposed to be representing, the notion of representativeness is complex and should be revisited.  相似文献   
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