集体行动中赏罚效果的差异性研究：来自公共品实验的证据

借助公共品博弈实验来比较奖励和惩罚这两种“选择性激励”的引入对提升公共品自愿捐献的效果。结果显示,被试对奖励的使用更频繁,但是引入惩罚的合作效果更佳,而且这种效果差异还会因为激励引入顺序的差异而加强。通过定量比较这两种激励发挥作用的路径以及行动者使用赏罚的方式,识别出了这种差异存在的行为根源。行动者对奖励的偏好主要源于他们就奖励本身形成的一种互惠,与合作无关;而惩罚效果更强则是因为行动者在使用赏罚时展现出另一层偏好,即相比奖励合作者,行动者更倾向于惩罚不合作者。借助于这种与合作之间更紧密的关系,惩罚获得了相对于奖励而言更强的激励效果,从而可以更有效地提升合作水平。这些结果表明集体行动中赏罚机制的设计需要考虑以下内容:行动者使用赏罚的方式及其行为对象的反应、如何在激励与合作之间建立起直接的联系以及激励引入的时机。     

集体行动的“微观基础”:埃尔斯特对马克思阶级理论的重构

马克思主义阶级理论研究在近年来呈复兴之势。作为分析的马克思主义的重要代表人物,埃尔斯特运用方法论个人主义、理性选择理论,从集体行动理论视角,对马克思的阶级理论(阶级定义、阶级意识和阶级斗争)进行了分析的重构,以求奠定马克思阶级理论的微观基础。埃尔斯特对于社会宏观现象背后微观基础的探寻,以及研究方法论的创新,对于我们坚持和发展马克思主义有一定的借鉴意义。但埃尔斯特泛化了阶级概念,其阶级理论的去政治化无意中为资本主义提供了一种合法化的佐证。而作为工具的方法论个人主义的缺陷致使他对马克思的文本和集体行动理论存在某些误读。     

从马克思主义的回归到共产主义的复兴——三论中国化的马克思主义与中国特色社会主义

马克思和恩格斯都是"共产主义者",而不是"社会主义者".中国特色的社会主义与修正主义者的"社会主义"之间的最大区别在于:前者以共产主义作为奋斗目标,后者只承认社会主义,不承认共产主义.中国要打造"中等收入群体",这同修正主义者制造"中产阶级"有着原则区别.共同富裕是可能的,"人人都变成资本家"却是修正主义者的幻想.只有...     

Between fragmenting and multiplying: scale-shift processes in Serbian and Croatian antiwar activisms

This paper follows the almost contemporaneous emergence of the two primary antiwar initiatives in Belgrade and Zagreb to explore how they acted as hotbeds from which permanent human rights organizations appeared in the newly created nation-states. Drawing mostly upon in-depth interviews with antiwar activists from Serbia and Croatia, I argue that the dominant patterns of protest expansion were different in the two countries. While cooperation and tensions existed within both antiwar groups, the Antiwar Campaign of Croatia acted as a broker, leading toward the multiplication of civic initiatives; on the other hand, the Belgrade Center for Antiwar Action was characterized by ideological, professional, and personal divisions, which caused a rapid fragmentation of antiwar undertakings. This paper outlines the main reasons for such expansion patterns (scale-shift processes) and discusses them in the light of recent theoretical advances in political contention studies.     

Misreading Mao: On Class and Class Struggle

It has been argued frequently that Mao Zedong's thought is a significant departure from classical Marxism. This break, usually dated from the mid-1950s, supposedly occurred in two areas. First, the primacy of the economic characteristic of orthodox Marxism was replaced by a “voluntarism,” which emphasised politics and consciousness. Secondly, whereas classes are defined in economic terms in the classical Marxist tradition, Mao defined them by reference to political behaviour and ideological viewpoint. This definition derives from the primacy Mao is said to have accorded to the superstructure. This article rejects the second of these interpretations and argues that a fundamental continuity exists between Mao's post-1955 propositions on classes and class struggle and those advanced by orthodox Marxism. In conformity with classical Marxism, Mao conceived of classes as economic categories. Further, both Mao and classical Marxism saw classes as active participants in class struggle in the superstructure called into being by the contradiction between the forces and relations of production. Finally, Mao shared with orthodox Marxism the idea that economic classes are represented in the superstructure by a range of political agencies and ideological forms.     

The limits of feminist political intervention in Singapore

This article uncovers the strongly ideological quality in Singapore's theory and practice of pragmatism. It also points to a strongly pragmatic quality in the ideological negotiations that play out within the dynamics of hegemony. In this complex relationship, the combination of ideological and pragmatic manoeuvring over the decades has resulted in the historic political dominance of the People's Action Party (PAP) government in partnership with global capital. But in an evolving, diversifying and globalising society, this manoeuvring has also engendered a number of mismatched expectations. It has also seen a greater sensitivity and attention to the inherent ideological contradictions and socio-economic inequalities that may erode what has been a relatively stable partnership between state and capital. This article argues that Singapore's one-party dominant state is the result of continuous ideological work that deploys the rhetoric of pragmatism to link the notion of Singapore's impressive success and future prospects to its ability to attract global capital. In turn, this relies on maintaining a stable political system dominated by an experienced, meritocratic and technocratic PAP government. While this Singaporean conventional wisdom has supported the political and economic interests of the state and global capital in a period of neo-liberal globalisation, its internal contradictions and external pressures have also begun to challenge its hegemonic pre-eminence.     

The Struggle for Recognition of the Indigenous Voice: Amerindians in Guyanese Politics

Abstract

In Guyana’s racialised geography, Amerindians live in scattered villages in the vast hinterland that covers 90% of the country. Amerindian iconography is appropriated in state-making, even while Amerindians themselves are consigned to a patron–client relationship with the dominant ‘coastlander’ society. In the late 1950s, Amerindians made up only 4% of the national population but voted as a bloc in the national elections of 1957, 1961 and 1964, rallying around Stephen Campbell, the first Amerindian member of the legislature. Their unified position allowed their political leaders to negotiate a commitment to the settlement of Amerindian land claims as a condition of Independence in 1966. After losing its parliamentary majority in 2011, the coastlander-based party in power has been working to disrupt cohesion among Amerindian community leaders. The government uses a variety of funds to reward community leaders who will sign pre-prepared resolutions at the statutory National Toshaos Council meetings, and denies funds to leaders and communities that protest at government neglect and mismanagement of the traditional areas claimed by the indigenous peoples.     

课堂教学听课活动的探索与实践

课堂是一种教学组织形式,人才培养目标在很大程度上由课堂决定。课堂听课活动既是检查教学工作和教育水平的一般手段,也是提高教学质量和提升教师授课能力的有效形式。听课活动不仅是对教师授课能力、水平和效果的检查,是教师自我检查、自我反思和自我提高的过程,也是听课人员乃至师生认可赞成办学顶层设计、巩固教学工作中心地位的重要渠道。听课活动中听什么、看什么、评什么、思什么,是一个有机的整体。要实现“思”之有物,学有所获,必须做到认真“听”、用心“看”、客观“评”。     

网络集体行动发生机制的探索性研究——以2008年网络事件为例

网络时代的来临使得网络集体行动成为社会科学界研究的一个新焦点。网络集体行动具有不同于传统集体行动的特征:其发生场域是网络公共领域,主体是网络民众,客体是以政府为核心的多元化呈现,主要方式是网民的口头抗议与表达。集体行动发生机制的西方理论解释框架和本土解释模型为网络集体行动的研究提供了良好范本,价值累加理论、建构主义理论取向以及本土解释模型中的怨恨变量、动员变量和理性变量经过适当的调整同样可以解释网络集体行动为何会发生,对2008年的五个网络热点事件的剖析或许可以佐证理论的强大生命力。