Parenting Plans for Special Needs Children: Applying a Risk‐Assessment Model

Family courts are seeing an increasing number of separating or divorced families who have a special needs child. These cases present complex challenges for family law professionals charged with crafting parenting plans based on best interests standards. For many of these children, the typical developmentally based custodial arrangements may not be suitable, given the child's specific symptoms and treatment needs. We present a model for understanding how the general and specific needs of these children, as well as the demands on parents, can be assessed and understood in the context of divorce. This includes an analysis of risk and protective factors that inform timeshare and custodial recommendations and determinations. The risk assessment model is then applied to three of the most commonly occurring childhood neurodevelopmental and psychiatric disorders likely to be encountered in family court, namely, attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder, depressive disorders, and autistic spectrum disorders.

Key Points for the Family Court Community
• There has been a dramatic rise in the population of children with neurodevelopmental, psychiatric, and medical syndromes whose parents are disputing custody in the family courts.
• Family law professionals of all disciplines should develop a fundamental knowledge base about the most commonly seen special needs children in family court, such as those with neurodevelopmental conditions like autistic spectrum disorder, attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder, and severe depressive disorders (especially with teenagers), which may involve suicidal or self‐harming behaviors.
• Commonly recommended parenting plans may be inappropriate for many special needs children, as some function significantly below their chronological age and pose extreme behavioral challenges.
• A systematic analysis of risk and protective factors should inform timeshare arrangements and determinations with this varied population, including the safety of the child and severity of the disorder, parental commitment and availability to pursue medical, educational, and therapeutic services, the parental attunement and insightful about the problem, and the differential parenting skills of each parent.

     

The Coalition and the Politics of the English Question

For much of the 2010–15 Parliament the English Question was not a conspicuous feature of political debate in the UK. However, the issue of English votes for English laws (EvfEl) was thrust to centre stage by Prime Minister David Cameron in the aftermath of the Scottish independence referendum, when he announced that fulfilment of the promise of further devolution to Scotland must be accompanied by an answer to the West Lothian Question at Westminster. This article analyses these events and explores their possible consequences. It argues that a reform of parliamentary procedures along the lines outlined in the report of the McKay Commission looks increasingly likely, but that this will not mark a resolution of the broader English Question, and the future of the Union remains in doubt.     

Public support for European defence: Does strategic culture matter?

This article identifies previously ignored determinants of public support for the European Union's security and defence ambitions. In contrast to public opinion vis‐à‐vis the EU in general, the literature on attitudes towards a putative European army or the existing Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) suggests that the explanatory power of sociodemographic and economic variables is weak, and focuses instead on national identity as the main determinant of one's support. This article explores the possible impact of strategic culture, and argues that preferences vis‐à‐vis the EU's security and defence ambitions are formed in part through pre‐existing social representations of security. To test this proposition, ‘national’ strategic cultures are disaggregated and a typology is produced that contains four strategic postures: pacifism, traditionalism, humanitarianism and globalism. Applying regression analysis on individual‐level Eurobarometer survey data, it is found that strategic postures help explain both the general level of support for CSDP and support for specific Petersberg tasks.     

论民族自治地方政府行政理念的创新

当前,民族自治地方政府主要应该确立以下理念:"自主与自治"的行政理念、"平等、团结和共同繁荣"的民族关系理念、"顾客至上、以人为本"的服务型政府理念、"有所为,有所不为"的有限政府理念、"法律至上"的法治政府理念、"为公众利益负责"的责任政府理念、"高效行政"的有效政府理念.     

原发性蛛网膜下腔出血的讨论——附7例尸检报告

本文报告7例法医病理解剖材料,其中脑血管动静脉畸形引起的5例,动脉瘤与巨细胞性动脉炎引起的各1例。因死亡都是发生在头部外伤之后,故引起申诉。肉眼检查时,7例中有6例未查明病因,诊断系依靠病理组织学检查。本文结合文献复习,重点讨论了检验鉴定的方法和注意事项。文中4个重新鉴定的案例,原结论均未发现本病的病因,甚至有的误认是损伤性蛛网膜下腔出血,此点应引以为戒。     

ABO位点限制性扩增片段长度多态性的研究

建立了PCR扩增、限制性酶切、8％（T）、5％（C）聚丙烯酸胺凝胶垂直电泳和银染检测ABO位点的限制性片段长度多态性的方法体系。应用Amp-RFLP技术对185名中国人（哈尔滨）ABO位点的基因频率和基因型分布进行了调查和统计分析。ABO位点特异片段长度为140～200bp，基因频率为0．2000～0．5568。6种基因型频率为0．973～0．3135，杂合度0．5838，Dp值0．7146。经H－W平衡吻合度检测，完全符合群体遗传多态分布。通过对11个家庭33名相关个体的分析，证明完全符合孟德尔遗传定律。ABO基因型检验适用于法庭科学的个体识别和亲权鉴定。     

Government and Democracy in Mexico's Federal District, 1997–2001: Cárdenas, the PRD and the Curate's Egg

This paper analyses the challenges facing the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) administration when it became the first elected government of the Federal District in 1997. Through a daily review of press coverage between December 1997–December 2000, complemented by intensive interviewing during summer 1999, five areas of policy-making activity are analysed and evaluated. The policies entrained and their outcomes show significant advances in decentralization, devolution, and intergovernmental liaison, as well as modest improvements in environmental contamination and reduced crime, although they did not meet the high expectations generated during the Cárdenas campaign for election. However, the fresh image and invigorated confidence that his replacement Rosario Robles brought to the PRD was key in the PRD's success in the July 2nd 2000 DF elections won by López Obrador. The new administration will have to confront a more plural government structure, including five of the sixteen delegaciones and an evenly divided Legislative Assembly. López Obrador has a full six years in which to prove that a left-of-centre political party is capable of developing a 'Third Way' of governance in the DF.     

论欧盟实施TBT的现状及我国纺织业的对策

近年来，随着关税的降低和非关税壁垒的不断减少，技术贸易壁垒逐渐成为影响我国出口贸易的重要因索。欧盟对进入欧盟各国的纺织品采取了更严的技术要求和标准，这对我国纺织品的出口带来不利影响。作者在文中分析了欧盟实施技术贸易壁垒的现状，以探求我国纺织业的对策。