坚决维护党的声誉和形象——试论正确认识和对待党的历史

党的历史是党之根基、国之命脉、民族之精神财富。正确认识和对待党的历史,关系党的形象、关系党的生命、关系国家的长治久安。本文以胡锦涛同志的＂七一＂重要讲话和习近平在中央党校2011年秋季开学典礼上的讲话为指导,站在坚决维护党的声誉和形象的角度,从正确认识和对待党的历史的极端重要性、正确认识和把握党的历史发展的主题和主线、正确认识和把握党的历史发展的主流和本质、正确认识和把握党的历史上的错误和挫折、正确认识和对待党的历史必须坚持的原则等五个方面,论述了正确认识和对待党的历史问题,以期引起广泛的重视和关注。     

中国共产党理论创新的历程与特点

重视理论创新是中国共产党人的优秀品质。相结合是贯穿党的理论创新历程的一条红线,始终坚定信仰、同错误认识作斗争,善于总结经验教训,不断开创工作新局面是党理论创新的显著特点。防止和克服教条主义,正确对待马克思主义之外的人类其他优秀思想成果,不断超越前人和自我是党80多年理论创新历程给我们的深刻启示。     

浅析马克思世界历史理论视野下和谐世界的构建

马克思历史向世界历史转变论断为我们构建和谐世界提供了重要的理论基础。在这一理论的基础上,胡锦涛总书记提出了和谐世界重大战略思想,它要求我们在当今全球化时代的背景下,以世界历史理论的广阔视野,对中国乃至人类社会未来的发展道路给予一条更加明确的路径选择。同时,这也为社会主义最终战胜资本主义这一历史趋势的到来提供了科学预测。     

New Labour Legacy: Comparing the Labour Governments of Blair and Brown to Labour Governments since 1945

The election of the Conservative–Liberal coalition in May 2010 provides the opportunity to start to map out the record of the Labour governments between 1997 and 2010. This paper deals with the specific question how the Brown/Blair governments performed on public expenditures when compared to the records of UK Labour governments since 1945. Did the public expenditure record of the 1997 represent a departure from that of previous Labour governments? This is important to ascertain since there are strongly held beliefs that New Labour was not committed to Labour's historic commitments of income redistribution and universal benefits. The analysis that follows is constructed around five major public expenditure programmes that reflect Labour's priorities. These include total expenditure, expenditure on health, education, housing and social security.     

何晏的《论语》学研究

何晏是现存最早的《论语》学代表著作《论语集解》的编纂者,同时也是《论语》学的研究者。他的《论语》学研究主要由两方面构成：一是对他人《论语》学成果的裒集;一是自己对《论语》的注释和理解。何晏的《论语》学研究体现了从汉儒到六朝学者《论语》学研究的因革创变,从一个侧面反映了中古学术转型的方式与规律。在中国古代学术史,特别是《论语》学史上,具有一定的地位和影响。     

Retelling the past,inspiring the future: Waffen-SS commemorations and the creation of a ‘European’ far-right counter-narrative

ABSTRACT

Heinrich Himmler created the Waffen-SS in part as a multinational force, willing to fight for a New Europe based on Germanic blood. After the war, many international Waffen-SS units formed veterans' associations (VAs). Like other VAs, these provided veterans with the chance to engage in ‘memory work’ and to keep alive a sense of comradeship and of valiant sacrifice, as well as an emotional commitment to the fallen. Waffen-SS veterans were, however, alone in celebrating their ‘sacrifices’. Others shunned them for their participation in atrocities. To defend themselves, they developed a counter-hegemonic Second World War narrative that presented the Waffen-SS as uniquely heroic ‘European’ volunteers' against Bolshevism. This counter-narrative, however, only gained resonance with the fall of the Berlin Wall. After 1989, in fact, veterans could seek out and establish sites of public commemoration, not in Western but in Eastern Europe. Hurd and Werther use veterans' journals and books to explore the redeployment of SS ideology in a revisionist version of history. They examine the resurrection of a mass Waffen-SS graveyard in East Ukraine as a telling case history, discussing, not least, the implications of a ‘reconciliation’ of the former German soldiers with both Ukrainian villagers and Red Army veterans. Finally, they explore the significance of the veterans' ‘European’ counter-history for a younger generation of neo-Nazis.     

论冯秉正神父在上古史论争中所使用的学术方法

18世纪来华的法国传教士冯秉正神父,在华40余年,著作颇丰。他受康熙帝命令,曾编译十二卷《中国通史》,奠定了近代欧洲汉学历史研究。他用天文学方法讨论中国上古史纪年,以中国式的证明方式来证伪《竹书》和《路史》,以及他因中国上古史纪年的影响而对《圣经》希腊七十子译本的选择,展示了他独特的学术方法和见解。该事件也从一个侧面展现了17、18世纪来华传教士和西方学者之间有关上古史论争这一学术盛况。     

Chinese IR Sino-centrism tradition and its influence on the Chinese School Movement

The Chinese School Movement, which aims to create a Chinese theory of international relations, has developed over the last 30 years. It is usually portrayed as an ongoing effort by Chinese scholars to provide a theory that accounts for anomalies within Western IR theories. Despite its academic potential, the movement has made extremely slow progress in theory building. This slow progress is attributed to the prevalence of the Sino-centrism in Chinese IR which assumes the superiority of Chinese international experience in knowledge making and evaluation. This epistemological tradition rises, falls, and resurges in Chinese IR disciplinary history and finds its latest expression in the Chinese School Movement, which turns it into a pseudo-scientific enterprise. Under its influence, the Chinese School Movement is constantly applauded by Chinese IR scholars despite the difficulty in yielding scientific output. The most urgent task for Chinese scholars is therefore not to further strengthen the Sino-centrism tradition by searching for a unique Chinese understanding of international relations but to deconstruct it for better communication between Chinese and Western IR scholars.     

The roads to parliamentarianism. Models of political inclusion and exclusion between Spain and Mexico, 1810–65

The Cadiz courts symbolize the foundational episode of the liberal revolutions that took place in Spain and Latin America, and from this starting point, this article undertakes a comparative analysis of the different roads in political experimentation implemented in Spain and post-independent Mexico, during the first decades of the nineteenth century, in applying and consolidating liberal state models. In this case, emphasis is given to the debate arising around the representation and idea of political inclusion and exclusion put forward by the different legal frameworks in both countries, as essential cornerstones for modulating the different typologies of parliamentarianism, of the electorate and of the parliamentarian ideal, where a direct link is underlined between elitism and parliamentarian representation.     

Farming out state revenue: the debate about the General Customs Lease Company in Sweden, 1723–65

A typical trait of the fiscal system of the ancien régime was the farming out of state revenue, most often represented by England and France. This article contributes to the ongoing discussion on the articulation of political economy and discourses on private and public organization in the early modern period, using the Swedish Riksdag as the focal point. Furthermore, it adds to historical research on private organizations for the operation of public services, and to a theoretical discussion on institutional development in the early modern period. In this article the Swedish General Customs Lease Company (Generaltullarren-desocieteten) 1723–65 is used as an example, arguing that Sweden represents an alternative model for the organization of revenue collection in early modern Europe; demonstrating that the General Customs Lease Company includes characteristics found both in England and in France. The analysis focuses on the political level, using parliamentary debates about the organization of the customs service. Thus, the explanation pays close attention to arguments wielded in favour, or against, farming out state revenue to private individuals. The political debates show an increasing critique against the large profits made by the shareholders in the Customs Company, as well as condemnations against the Customs Company for promoting self-interest at the expense of the common good.