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111.
Importation and deprivation theories have long been used to explain prison misconduct and victimization among male inmates. However, the key variables from these theories have rarely been tested on female inmates. In addition, many of these existing studies use combined samples of males and females, while ignoring female-only samples of prisoners. Using data from official misconduct reports collected from 2007 to 2012 from a large women’s prison in Ohio, the current study sought to compare the characteristics of perpetrators of inmate-on-inmate misconduct to their victims. Findings reveal that variables from both importation (age, race, and current violent offender status) and deprivation (mental health status and prior violent disciplinary reports) theories were significant in predicting perpetrator vs. victim likelihood. Policy implications and suggestions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   
112.
Previous research shows women candidates face double-standard with regard to fitness for office: women ought to be kind but leaders ought to be aggressive and agentic. At the same time, there is traditional division of what constitutes “women’s” issues (e.g. health-care) vs “male” (e.g. economy). Do these norms about what women politicians ought to be and talk about hurt or help them during elections? We investigate the case of U.S. 2018 mid-term elections on Twitter. Our findings suggest that engaging with “women’s” issues by female candidates as well as tweeting angrily is associated with higher likelihood of being elected. However, women candidates who use angry speech on Twitter, are more likely to also receive tweets with abusive language, in particular by other women. Thus, we show that social media could help female candidates to break stereotypes, and present themselves as nuanced candidates who can both stand for women’s issues but also be aggressive and leader-like.  相似文献   
113.
基于对2003年全国综合社会调查(GSS)社会网络的资料研究分析,城市职业女性的社会网络是一个高密度的核心网络,其中,以家庭成员为主的亲缘关系在城市职业女性的社会网络中占据着最重要的位置.在控制了其他结构变量之后,性别在网络规模、网络关系组成、网络异质性、网络亲近性方面的影响仍然存在.这种社会网络模式,说明职业女性虽然身兼工作角色与家庭角色为一身,但长期以来在中国传统社会里形成的"男主外女主内"的刻板式家庭分工模式促使职业女性的生活重心仍然比男性更兼顾家庭.此外,职业阶层地位、年龄、政治面貌、婚姻状况、家庭经济水平、居住地等社会结构变量对职业女性的社会网络模式也有着影响力.  相似文献   
114.
In the Gambia numerous projects have been implemented to boost vegetable production. A survey was conducted in Kanifing Municipality and Western Division of the Gambia to determine the level of technology development and transfer. The result shows that the total membership of the intervention sites is 726 and 1,115 growers in the non-intervention sites respectively. From the survey 92% of farmers considered variety improvement as a priority area for technology development. The result indicated that 45% of the respondents regard that 80% of technologies comes research and farmers and 90% of technology dissemination to farmers is through the public extension system, and 20% of respondents mentioned farmer groups. The aim of this study was therefore to examine acquisition, technology development, and transfer to farmers and to come with appropriate strategies of technology transfer in The Gambia in the areas of production and marketing of vegetables.   相似文献   
115.
安全是国际关系研究的核心概念。20世纪90年代,哥本哈根学派提出具有建构主义特色的“安全化理论”。女性主义安全研究重视性别与安全的关系,认为安全化理论忽视了性别安全问题。以联合国安理会通过的第1325(2000)号决议为基石的妇女、和平与安全议程既是近二十年来形成的新国际安全规范,也是性别议题安全化的集中体现。1325号决议及其后续决议共同形成了妇女、和平与安全议程,使性别议题进入国际安全日程。对妇女参与、妇女权利和性暴力等性别议题的安全化或去安全化问题,受到多重因素的交叉性影响。在不同行为主体和各种因素的共同作用下,以安理会成员国特别是常任理事国围绕妇女、和平与安全议程进行的互动与辩论,推动了性别议题安全化的发展进程,既体现出“主体间的和由社会建构的”安全化问题的复杂性,也规范了安理会表决机制下安全化的程度和限度。性别议题安全化的发展前景亦具有一定的复杂性和多重可能性。  相似文献   
116.
Virginia Woolf's aspiration in A Room of One's Own (1929) for a private space and independence for the 'uneducated' women who would write fiction was echoed in Jipping Street (1928), the fictional autobiography of the working-class Kathleen Woodward, as well as by numerous other women during the period. This article asks why this wish for a room emerged in the twenties, and what is shows about the political affect of feminism at that time. One of the effects of post-suffrage feminism was that working-class women's experience began to be not only observed but listened to, written down and published, but real changes in the legal and economic position of women only came slowly. Both Woolf's polemic and Woodward's fictional autobiography are diatribes against poverty and laments for women's wasted lives. Neither idealized suffering; poverty in their texts was an injustice that aroused anger, not a state of abjection or redemption which required an anguished identification. When these two books were published, just after women's suffrage was achieved, hopes were high. The thirties were a more brutal decade, with unemployment and the growth of fascism, and Woolf's Three Guineas (1938) is darker in tone. Neither Woolf nor Woodward had faith in conventional politics. Instead both writers chose silence, solitude and the aesthetic seduction of words and thoughts. Neither wanted to enter the world of men, but nor did they want to live lives like their mothers. Both these books require of women an inner change. The room represents a transitional space. There was no clear vision of the future yet. As so often with feminist thought, the wish is for a break with the past, a resistance to culture and a change in human nature.  相似文献   
117.
Moore discusses the work of visual artist Shirin Neshat exhibited at the Serpentine Gallery, London, from July to September 2000, which comprised the photographic series Women of Allah and the video installation trilogy Turbulent, Rapture and Fervor . Her emphasis is on the way in which Neshat's work addresses the critical issues of positioning, representation and cross-cultural reception. The exhibition was marketed as referring to 'the social, cultural, and religious codes of Muslim societies in general, and Iranian society in particular'. Moore argues, however, that the images tend to project a departicularized cultural context that encourages a neo-orientalist interpretation. She first analyses Women of Allah in terms of symbolic projections of womanhood during the Islamic revolution in Iran and in light of post-revolutionary gendered realities. A critique is also mounted of Neshat'snostalgic self-investment in the revolutionary scene. In a discussion of the later video trilogy, Moore disentangles gendered and cross-cultural binaries in order to theorize the space between the dual screens. Her conclusion is that this intermediate space figures the ambivalence of a displaced cultural perspective. As such, it forces a spectatorial enactment of the frayed or troubled connections that the artist makes between two cultural locales.  相似文献   
118.
This paper examines the way that women’s relationship to peace is constructed in international institutions and international law. It identifies a set of claims about women and peace that are typically made and considers these in light of women’s experience in the conflicts in Bougainville, East Timor and the Solomon Islands.
Hilary CharlesworthEmail:
  相似文献   
119.
James F. Guyot 《Society》2008,45(6):529-533
Women advance more rapidly in the appointive executive and judicial branches than in the elected legislative branch at both national and state levels. Demand side and supply side factors explain much of this. In particular, greater male variability restricts the opportunity for gender equity.
James F. GuyotEmail:
  相似文献   
120.
ABSTRACT

Sybil Campbell was appointed a Metropolitan stipendiary magistrate in 1945, the first woman to become a full-time judge in the courts of England and Wales. She sat for 16 years, at Tower Bridge Magistrates’ Court, where she met with a great deal of opprobrium from the national and local press, trade unionists and individuals, much of it directed to the fact that she was a woman dispensing justice, with some severity, in a working-class community. She weathered the criticism with indifference and continued until her retirement, in 1961. Her pioneering example, however, did not encourage the appointment of other women to a judicial role until the appointment of Elizabeth Lane as a county court judge in 1962. This article examines her judicial career and her work for the British Federation of University Women, of which she was Honorary Secretary and its honorary vice-president.  相似文献   
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