Struggling for food sovereignty in the World March of Women

This contribution focuses on how food sovereignty is being re-signified as a feminist issue by a non-peasant transnational feminist network, the World March of Women. First, we review the feminist literature on women, gender and food sovereignty and make suggestions regarding how to conceptualize the latter to better analyze women’s and feminist struggles on this terrain. Second, we highlight the variety of discourses and practices through which food sovereignty is appropriated in the different spaces and scales of the March. Third, we identify the political dynamics that underlie the uneven deployment of the project of food sovereignty among the national coordinating bodies of the March. Our conclusion stresses the role of discursive articulations and of internal and external alliances as processes through which food sovereignty is both diffused and transformed, and draws some implications for the larger scholarship on food sovereignty.     

Norway as an Example in the UK Women’s Suffrage Campaign

This article analyses the character and meanings of references to Norwegian experiences in the UK women’s suffrage campaign. It argues that the references to Norway served two main purposes. Firstly, they served as evidence of all the good things that would happen as a result of women gaining the vote, such as wage equality and social reform. Secondly, they played a significant part in establishing a counter-narrative to the anti-suffragist warnings of all the terrible things that would follow women’s suffrage. The study also discusses the limitations of political exchange and shows how different political contexts came into play in the debates on the validity of the Norwegian example.     

La position des femmes en politique locale belge et l'impact des quotas

L'article étudie les quotas adoptés par les partis politiques belges. Les sections locales de parti ayant décrété des mesures supplémentaires étaient beaucoup plus nombreuses lors des élections locales en 2006 que lors des élections locales précédentes en 2000, ce qui indique que les partis politiques intègrent davantage la notion d'égalité. Par contre, les sections sont peu enthousiastes de trouver un meilleur équilibre par le biais de nouvelles mesures pour les fonctions élevées ou peu nombreuses. Une analyse mesurant l'impact du nombre de positions disponibles confirme une présence accrue de quotas au sein de sections locales disposant d'un nombre relativement élevé de positions. Les quotas se font aussi plus facilement accepter dans un climat idéologique imbibé par les notions d'égalité et dans un contexte où les femmes ont déjà balisé le chemin.     

中国现代文学中的小品文

“小品文”是指受英、法随笔影响的夹叙夹议式的散文,闲适的笔调是其主要的文体特点。现代小品文适应了“五四”以还个性解放的需要,在西方essay的影响下,融入中国晚明小品、六朝散文等传统文学的质素,而生成了自己新的体式。小品文是中国现代散文主要的体式之一,一大批卓有成就的散文家的名字是与小品文联系在一起的。     

Can twitter change the Iranian legal landscape for women?

ABSTRACT

This article explores the effectiveness of international social media (Twitter) campaigns, as a modern form of transnational advocacy networks, seeking domestic legal change in Iran for women’s rights. Using the spiral model of human rights change and second wave normative theories, the article critiques current thought on social media as an advocacy tool using evidence from two Iranian campaigns. Gathering empirical data from the #stopstoning and #letwomengotostadium campaigns, the research finds that Twitter campaigns may be linked to regression in some areas of women’s rights. Early evidence indicates that social media may lead to amplified government backlash, lack of campaign persistence and foreign overshadowing of domestic voices, which all contribute to the ongoing problematisation of the role of transnational advocacy networks in domestic human rights change.     

浅议魏晋南北朝时期女性出家之现象

佛教自西汉末传入中国,在魏晋南北朝时期已出现兴盛的局面。女性出家在此时期遂成为普遍的社会现象,这是苦难的社会现实使然,又决定于妇女这一社会群体的生活特点,同时又有相应的社会风尚的因素在内。反过来,妇女出家的普遍对社会经济、社会生活又有着一定的影响,是认识这一时期历史变迁的重要方面。     

非婚同居中女性合法权益的保护

长期以来 ,人们不加区别的视各种非婚同居为非法 ,道德上加以歧视 ,法律上不予保护 ,非婚同居的成本大多由女性独自承担 ,其结果不但不能有效的减少非婚同居 ,反而使女性的权益遭受日益严重的侵犯。本文所做的就是力图在区分侵犯第三人利益的非婚同居和单纯的非婚同居的基础上 ,结合婚姻法、民法的有关规定 ,对非婚同居中的女性合法权益的保护问题予以探讨。     

劳务市场拐卖妇女犯罪预防机制研究

对四川省劳务市场拐卖妇女犯罪现象进行实证调查,“王某、周某劳务市场被拐案”表明,求职妇女、中介人、市场的管理者和用人单位四类人员在劳务市场拐卖犯罪及其预防中的地位和作用不同。非法职介的大量存在是诱发劳务市场拐卖妇女犯罪的主要根源。其产生有立法、执法等各方面原因。要有效地预防劳务市场拐卖犯罪,必须制定有针对性的宏观策略和配套措施。     

班昭《女诫》的教育思想探析

文章以汉代历史文化为背景,依据班昭的人生经历、家学承传和文本内容,论证《女诫》的女性教育思想,即是劣势中女性生存智慧的教育,及两性平等教育的理念。同时也论证了《女诫》在汉代群体自觉意识向个体自觉意识转变过程中的重大贡献。     

Women’s Participation in Communal Activities in Rural Bangladesh

This article seeks to examine the extent of women’s participation in communal activities in rural Bangladesh, based on an analysis of a development programme, namely REFLECT (Regenerated Freirean Literacy through Empowering Community Techniques). This article evaluates the REFLECT programme with regard to its stated goal of enhancing female participation in local community affairs. Using Michael Mann’s classification of sources of power, the study emphasises the importance of participation as a contribution to political as well as ideological power in the community of Monsurabad Island in rural Bangladesh. To that end, this article aims at analysing women’s participation in community decision-making processes through voting behaviour, traditional village court (Salish) involvement and other civic activities. This study also reviews the views of village elders (matabars) on women’s participation at the communal level and the resulting empowerment. Based on the views of participant women themselves, the study concludes that the implementation of the REFLECT project in the local community under investigation has indeed resulted in empowering women, but this effect remains confined to their families and the handling of women’s issues. As the effect of the REFLECT project has not reached out to the realm of community politics, its impact on women’s participation in the community has been limited. This study argues that without any change in the existing social fabric of Monsurabad, women’s ideological power in that community could not be transformed into political power in accordance with Michael Mann’s theory.