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111.
Clíona Rattigan 《The History of the Family》2013,18(4):370-383
In February 1929 the Bishop of Ossory commented on the fact that in Ireland illegitimate infants were often ‘done to death by father or relatives’ (Irish Catholic, 16 February 1929). There were many instances where family members of unmarried women who gave birth were the sole defendants or co-defendants in infanticide cases in post-independent Ireland. Although illegitimate infants were ‘done to death’ by their fathers in a number of cases that were tried at the Central Criminal Court in Dublin between 1922 and 1950, this article will focus on cases where infants were murdered or suspected of having been murdered by relatives of the birth mother both in the Twenty-Six Counties and in Northern Ireland (Irish Catholic, 16 February 1929). For the purposes of this article I have referred to the murder of illegitimate infants as ‘infanticide’ even though there was no separate charge of infanticide in the Irish Free State until 1949. The English infanticide acts of 1922 and 1938 also applied to Northern Ireland. This article discusses the motives of the relatives of single mothers who played a part in the deaths of illegitimate infants. Unmarried motherhood was severely frowned upon in Ireland and the relatives of single pregnant women assisted their female kin in destroying the evidence of extra-marital conception in order to protect the family's honour and moral reputation in the wider community. The records of infanticide trials provide a great deal of insight into the ways in which mainly working-class families dealt with the strain of pregnancy outside wedlock in Ireland between 1922 and 1950. 相似文献
112.
Jamie Rosen 《Family Court Review》2013,51(2):330-343
Increasingly lawyers for children follow a model of “client centered” (as opposed to “best interests”) representation in child custody disputes in which the child client defines the objectives of the representation. The client‐centered model, while appropriate in most cases to give voice to the child's preferences in a process that deeply impacts him or her, can create an ethical dilemma for the child's lawyer in cases where a child is truly alienated from the other parent by the actions of the alienating parent. Alienated children strongly and unreasonably express a preference for objectives of representation that might further damage the alienated parent's relationship with the child. The alienated child's objectives may be the result of a campaign of denigration and “brainwashing” by the alienating parent. This Note suggests that when a child is truly alienated from a parent, as diagnosed by a mental health expert, the child may have “diminished capacity” and therefore, the client‐directed model of representation is not adequate. This Note proposes that the Child's Attorney must determine whether the child is of diminished capacity under the Model Rules of Professional Conduct and, if so, must treat the client accordingly under Rule 1.14. Specifically, the attorney may, if all other remedial measures are inadequate, override the child's wishes and advocate a position that the child would take, but for the brainwashing of the child used to alienate him or her from a parent. 相似文献
113.
114.
《Journal of Political Marketing》2013,12(2-3):69-87
Abstract The 2000 Presidential election was one of the longest, most expensive and closest in American history. It was the Presidential election that exposed the flaws (or genius) of the electoral college system, demonstrated the imperfections of media dependency on exit polls and quick election calling, and showed how a third party candidate with just two percent of the popular vote could make the difference in the crucial state of Florida. Democrats lost states they should have won; Republicans lost every big city and most of their suburbs; and the Florida election came down to a five-to-four muddled decision by the Supreme Court. Americans collectively learned a great civics lesson: that even in a bitter, controversial contest, our candidates accept defeat graciously; the simple act of voting is not so simple; and that for all its shortcomings, the electoral college did work. 相似文献
115.
The purpose of this article is to discuss the legal effects of the preliminary agreement between Albania and EU (European Union) on the EU and on the Albanian national legal system. The topic is "The Legal Obligations of Albania in the SAA (Stabilization and Association Agreement) With EU", and the purpose is to address the issue of harmonization and application of the obligation in the most effective way regarding the EU legislation. The method used is systematic, comparative and teleological analysis of the European and national legal systems and inherent principles and reflection on the ways of integration and coordination between them. At first the sources and features of the EU legal system will be presented. Then the application of these principles in preliminary and pre-accession agreement and through them their influence over the EU and over the national legal system of the pre-accession states will be presented. The contribution will be to argue that the preliminary agreement between EU and Albania creates legal effects both on the EU and on the national legal system of the pre-accessions countries. Their lull and effective application will be the duty of national court and legislators. 相似文献
116.
2012年修改的《中华人民共和国刑事诉讼法》第210条第2款规定,"适用简易程序审理公诉案件,人民检察院应当派员出席法庭",公诉人出庭适用简易程序审理的公诉案件成为法定义务。公诉人出庭有利于落实对抗制诉讼模式,有利于维护被告人的权利,有利于检察机关履行法律监督的职责,但同时这也会给公诉人带来理念、素质与工作量等方面的挑战。许多检察机关在积极尝试探索出庭模式,主要形成了专职公诉人出庭模式与公诉人集中出庭模式。两种模式优劣并存,需要进一步论证,并建立相关配套制度机制。 相似文献
117.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(1):82-100
ABSTRACT The supra-national criminal prosecution by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of the alleged crimes committed in Darfur raises critical legal and conceptual issues. This article addresses the dilemma of peace, justice and reconciliation from a legal perspective, as well as the justice options that are available. The article also assesses the Sudan's criminal and military laws (both at the substantive and procedural levels) in terms of the country's ability to prosecute international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. In this respect, the article argues that these laws fall short of international criminal law standards and principles – particularly the amendments introduced after the United Nations Security Council referred the Darfur situation to the ICC. The article critically examines the Sudan government's policy of non-engagement, which ultimately led to supra-national criminal prosecution (represented by the ICC intervention under the complementarity principle of the Rome Statute). Finally, the article interrogates the report issued by the African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur (AUPD), and evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of its recommendations. 相似文献
118.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(1):161-170
ABSTRACT The Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of January 2005 is the outcome of regional and international mediation led by the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD)1 and the IGAD Partners’ Forum broadened to include the United States of America, Norway, the Netherlands, Canada, Italy and the United Nations. Five years into its implementation the peace agreement appears to have transformed the war between North and South Sudan into a series of engagements of conflicting nature. Numerous contradictory actions by both the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the National Congress Party (NCP) (the main political forces behind the CPA) have been noted during the ongoing implementation process (Grawert forthcoming 2010; Grawert and El-Battahani 2005; Wassara 2008). Although internal Sudanese forces are the key actors in implementing the CPA, external forces are critical in providing the support and pressure needed for a complete realisation of the peace deal. The New Regionalism Approach (NRA), as advanced by Grant and Soderbäum (2003), is instrumental in understanding this dynamic. This article is based on the result of a study that seeks to examine why positive engagements of external forces are needed for a timely implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. 相似文献
119.
Enrique Carpizo 《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2013,46(138):939-971
This article deals with subjects referent to constitutional control and conventionality control in Mexico and its respective aspects. Our study proposes an interpretative mechanic that touches the idea of monopoly in behalf of the state in the subject of recognizing and protecting human rights, to allow a wide vision where any authority or citizen are able to exercise a protective human rights activity. We also pretend to show the inadequacy, at the moment, of moving into a conventional supremacy, without leaving out the analysis of subjects relative to sovereignty and constitutional supremacy. 相似文献
120.
崔进文 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2013,12(3):49-53
"先法后检"模式及相关立法造成两次再审,在国家利益和社会公共利益的保护、对恶意诉讼的打击等方面未予以例外规定,拉远了检察院与当事人间的"距离"。为此,检察院应树立科学的执法理念,严格执法,积极与法院合作,确保该模式得以贯彻落实,并取得良好的成效。 相似文献