雷经天新民主主义司法思想论

雷经天的司法思想是新民主主义司法思想的典型体现。苏维埃司法的政法传统、边区司法正规化改革思想及马克思主义理论的中国化潮流是其思想的主要来源。围绕新民主主义司法观,雷经天提出了在司法组织上贯彻民主集中制,在法官队伍建设中加强工农干部与知识分子干部的融合,在六法全书援用中将政治立场与司法实践适度分离,在司法程序中坚持司法民主、发展司法便利等系列观点。其思想贯穿着革命性和实践性思维的特点,是时代背景与个人经验综合作用的产物。     

韩国宪法法院变形判决制度的形成与发展

宪法法院成立之后,韩国宪法审查制度才真正获取了生命力。这一方面归功于韩国宪政建设环境的改善,另一方面则应归功于宪法法院积极主动履行职责。变形判决制度即是韩国宪法法院汲取德国经验而作的创造性变革。变形判决是相对于原形判决而言的概念。韩国《宪法法院法》规定的“违宪”或“合宪”的判决形式可称之为原形判决;宪法法院在宪法审判实践中逐渐形成的“宪法不合致”判决、“限定合宪”和“限定违宪”判决可称为变形判决。变形判决是针对复杂多样的宪法审判对象而发展出来判决形式,适应了宪法审判的实效需求,展示了一条法律问题技术化的路径。     

司法之所以为司法的组织结构依据——论中国法院改革的核心问题之所在

司法之所以为司法,在于其功能不同于立法和行政,更在于它有一种不同于立法和行政的组织结构来保障。组织结构决定了组织中人的行为的基本指向及其沟通和互动方式。中国法院以等级结构为主的组织结构,造成了所有进入法院的人的行为表现为以以垂直指向、纵向沟通和服从型互动为主;在审理阶段所有参与人的交流不积极,也不深入;判决权可能在法院内部被处于各等级结构的法官分享,也可能在法院以外被瓜分;还表现为"审"与"判"分离,判决书缺乏说理性,审判缺乏公开性、公正性和权威性等方面。中国法院改革的核心问题,就是将这种以等级结构为主的组织结构变为以同等结构为主,将法院内可与审判分离的等级结构因素从法院中分离出来,进行更加集中化、行政化和等级化的管理。     

Digital justice

In a period of growing suspicion about the power of digital technology and ‘tech companies’, this short comment aspires to argue that the conditions for the functioning of the constitutional state contain an inherent obligation for the state not only to be sufficiently sensitive to the changes brought about by digitisation, but also to make use of digitisation. A key condition for the functioning of the constitutional state is e.g. that the judiciary is capable of fully implementing its task of affording legal protection. Reinterpreting this condition in the modern age implies that courts should remain explicitly vigilant when it comes to digitisation. Hence, affording protection is not only a question of what makes formal regulation in a digital world different from regulation in the well-known offline world. If the constitutional state is to be ‘capable’ of implementing its task of affording legal protection, it must also be sufficiently sensitive to the changes brought about by digitisation, as well as deploy the potential that digitisation offers.     

The 2000 American Presidential Election

Abstract

The 2000 Presidential election was one of the longest, most expensive and closest in American history. It was the Presidential election that exposed the flaws (or genius) of the electoral college system, demonstrated the imperfections of media dependency on exit polls and quick election calling, and showed how a third party candidate with just two percent of the popular vote could make the difference in the crucial state of Florida. Democrats lost states they should have won; Republicans lost every big city and most of their suburbs; and the Florida election came down to a five-to-four muddled decision by the Supreme Court. Americans collectively learned a great civics lesson: that even in a bitter, controversial contest, our candidates accept defeat graciously; the simple act of voting is not so simple; and that for all its shortcomings, the electoral college did work.     

The Legal Obligations of Albania in the Stabilization and Association Agreement Between Albania and EU

The purpose of this article is to discuss the legal effects of the preliminary agreement between Albania and EU （European Union） on the EU and on the Albanian national legal system. The topic is ＂The Legal Obligations of Albania in the SAA （Stabilization and Association Agreement） With EU＂, and the purpose is to address the issue of harmonization and application of the obligation in the most effective way regarding the EU legislation. The method used is systematic, comparative and teleological analysis of the European and national legal systems and inherent principles and reflection on the ways of integration and coordination between them. At first the sources and features of the EU legal system will be presented. Then the application of these principles in preliminary and pre-accession agreement and through them their influence over the EU and over the national legal system of the pre-accession states will be presented. The contribution will be to argue that the preliminary agreement between EU and Albania creates legal effects both on the EU and on the national legal system of the pre-accessions countries. Their lull and effective application will be the duty of national court and legislators.     

The International Criminal Court and the Darfur crimes: The dilemma of peace and supra-national criminal justice

ABSTRACT

The supra-national criminal prosecution by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of the alleged crimes committed in Darfur raises critical legal and conceptual issues. This article addresses the dilemma of peace, justice and reconciliation from a legal perspective, as well as the justice options that are available. The article also assesses the Sudan's criminal and military laws (both at the substantive and procedural levels) in terms of the country's ability to prosecute international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. In this respect, the article argues that these laws fall short of international criminal law standards and principles – particularly the amendments introduced after the United Nations Security Council referred the Darfur situation to the ICC. The article critically examines the Sudan government's policy of non-engagement, which ultimately led to supra-national criminal prosecution (represented by the ICC intervention under the complementarity principle of the Rome Statute). Finally, the article interrogates the report issued by the African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur (AUPD), and evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of its recommendations.     

货币权力的宪法规制及其路径选择简

在现代经济社会,不可兑换的信用货币体制和政府财政权的扩张导致了纸币的持续超发,也肇始了愈发严重的金融危机或经济危机接踵而至,进而侵犯人民的财产权利,而需要在宪法位阶上对中央银行的货币权力进行合理的制度规范。货币权力的宪法规制不但要赋予中央银行独立行使职权的法律地位,还应当通过对中央银行的货币权力予以宪法性约束,使其权力运行真正能够受到民主监督的制约,以期实现对人民基本权利之有效保障。